5 comments about Terror on the Internet: The New Arena, the New Challenges.

1. This is a scary book about the ways terrorists are using the Internet. It is very interesting, well documented, well-written (easy for people like me who are not sophisticated Internet users) and very alarming. The author knows well the dark sides of the Net and guides the readers to the darkest virtual streets modern terrorists take when using the cyberspace. The book is loaded with examples from various terrorist groups (all are now on the Net) and relates the findings to the framework of communication studies and psychological warfare. What to do about it? Well, read the book's last chapters...
   I highly recommend this book though it left me troubled and scared.
   Michael Wise



2. Good book to get a clear picture of how terrorists now use the Internet as a central part of their operations. Weimann is a well-respected scholar who cleary has his finger on the pulse of modern terrorism.



3. Mr. Weimann from Israel wants American government control over access to certain Internet websites so that terrorists won't be able to communicate; or perhaps the real reason is to block Moslem news and propaganda so that we will be exposed only to Israeli-slanted news and propaganda. That way the US can continue to support Israeli efforts at ethnic cleansing from all the land which they say God promised them. Still not convinced? Mr. Weimann is a fellow at the ironically-named United States Institute for Peace, a neocon thinktank.



4. 
   Terrorist websites have increased from several hundred a few years ago to over 5,000 at this time - and that only counts those documented by strict criteria. Hezbollah has cartoon websites targeting children that depict beheadings and advocate all the atrocities committed by adult terrorists. Al Queda and others have websites targeting women. Throughout the web, messages from various organizations glorify suicide attacks.
   
   These websites are used for recruitment, distribution of literature, manuals, instructions, fund-raising, car-bombs, use of missiles - any needs of the organization. A jihad on-line encyclopedia is available, and participants may come and go with anonymity.
   
   Chat rooms contain debates between members of different organizations - which certainly open the door for counterterrorism efforts. These sites are monitored by government agencies from many countries.
   
   All methods of censoring these sites run the risk of damaging our civil liberties, although this is not a problem for some countries.
   
   The author covers the material well and ends with a caveat and a recommendation. Caveat - that this is a psychological war over minds and hearts. Recommendation - that we be proactive by producing anti-terrorism websites. Most young people participating on terrorism websites never see another version of life and truth.



5. This is a comprehensive study of the Internet, how it is used by terrorist group--not just Islamic terrorists or al-Qaeda, but also the IRA, and South American terrorist groups as well--and what measures are being taken to combat the growing use of the Internet by terrorists. Perhaps the most valuable portion of the book is the discussion of civil liberties and tracking/surveillance of the Internet. Mr. Weimann does an excellent job of pointing out the problems inherent on both sides of the issue, but does more than that--he offers solutions to the questions he raises. A bit outdated, the Patriot Act update was not yet passed by Congress when this book went to press. Many of the concerns of Internet surveillance were addressed in the Patriot Act update of 2006. Still, a great resource for the average thinking person who wants to be reasonably informed on the dangers facing our country. Politically neutral.

3 comments about Understanding the War on Terror.

1. In "Understanding the War on Terror," Foreign Affairs Magazine has compiled an extensive array of articles examining not only the war on terrorism, but on the past, present and future of terrorism. The book covers a multitude of topics including the political, social, cultural, wealth, power, and religious struggles that have plagued the Middle East for decades; struggles that have created an atmosphere of instability in the region as well as for the rest of the world, especially America. While the publisher has done an admirable job, the book does fall short of its intended goal of explaining the War on Terror. Readers looking for answers to hardball questions on the 9/11 attacks will not find them in this book, but it are still worth reading.
   
   "Understanding the War on Terror" begins with the chilling account of what transpired on that fateful day of September 11, 2002 when 19 terrorists hijacked four airliners and crashed them into the World Trade Center, the Pentagon, a field in Pennsylvania, and into America's mind set.
   
   The book covers, in general, terrorist acts, such as those committed in Yemen, Somalia where two Black Hawk Helicopters were shot down), the first World Trade bombing, attacks against the US in Saudi Arabia, the Khobar Apartments (killing 18 Americans), the USS Cole. . . . Many feel that those attacks were part of Osama bin Laden's "Jihad", or Holy War against the West. Some articles discuss "national security" where some writers feel that economic competitiveness or globalization plays a significant factor in US vulnerability; competitiveness in international trade has forced border security to perform fewer inspections and to relax regulation enforcement in order to speed commerce.
   
   Richard K. Betts, writes about security and its breakdown within US security agencies like the FBI, CIA, NSA and so on (no mention of the FAA), and how these lapses must be corrected. Some of the areas that must be looked at as part of national security updating are spying, technologies, information gathering and analyzing and manpower, or field agents; increase funding like the CIA's 30 billion dollar budget increase is a good stating point, but it should not end there.
   
   In his article, "Promoting Democracy and Fighting Terror", Thomas Carothers writes of the conflict between promoting democracy and enhancing internal security. He writes of the Bush administration's effort to build a stronger coalition with non democratic countries and autocratic leaders, or friendly tyrants -- countries like Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Niyazov. These countries have little to no interest in promoting democracy, but Washington has demonstrated great restraint in the promotion of democracy in order to avoid terrorists from making those countries headquarters and/or escape routes for terrorists. The same is true, according to Carothers, of Southeast Asia where human right violations are common, yet the US has kept on friendly terms with governments even giving fifty million dollarsin aid to Malaysia. The author contends that it has become more important to assure security than to promote democracy. Washington has gotten friendlier with Russia and China for the same reasons. Many of the countries that Washington is courting have long histories of human rights violations or are oppressive states run by regimes that believe in autocracy and not democracy.
   
   There are articles on religious groups, especially Islamic fundamentalists (radical and extremists Islamic groups). Some authors write of US foreign policy flip-flopping, efforts on reconstructing Afghanistan's political system. Fareed Zakaria writes of the Middle East's disillusionment with America (the West) and how this "is at the heart of the Arab problem[s]". His article illustrates the Middle East's rejection of modernization. Other writers tell of corruption, regime change, and the questions of which America's allies are. Still others write about warlord systems, the corruption of wealth and power, Gamal Abdel Nasser's failed dream of independence for the Middle East, Pakistan, al Qaeda, the Taliban, jihad, martyrdom, and factions in the Middle East. The book concludes with updates on the Bush administration's war in Iraq and on terrorism.
   
   "Understanding the War on Terror" is an excellent primer for those unfamiliar with the past, present and future of America's relationship with the Middle East and on the war on terrorism, but it is in no way conclusive in its explanations of America's war on terror. Many of the articles seem to whitewash important factors that contribute negatively to America's relationship with the Middle East. Nevertheless "Understanding the War on Terror" is still worth reading.



2. For those of you seeking credible sources to make sense of issues like terrorism, look no further than Foreign Affairs. With each carefully crafted essay, like Fareed Zakaria's influential report on "Why They Hate Us" you will learn about the roots of terrorism and understand the best ways to deal with the challenges that terrorism presents.
   
   This collection of essays and articles are brillantly written, thorougly researched, and authored by exteremly qualified policy analysts. Also, unlike many media sources, who increasingly use polemics when presenting a biased view of important topics, these essays present arguments from a variety of angles--which, in the end, is the best way to learn.



3. Excellent book for those interested in understanding the lead up to the Iraq war and the intellectual discussions that surrounded the immediate effects of the conflict. Good for academics and beginners.

5 comments about Why America Slept: The Failure to Prevent 9/11.

1. In "Why America Slept" Gerald Posner has written an excellent account of policy and intelligence failures that prevented America from suspecting, detecting, and preventing the September 11, 2001 attacks. The book is not a typical political ax-grinding tome, but rather seeks to dispense credit and blame regardless of party affiliation. The book goes back to the Carter administration, which in many ways set the tone for US dealings with Muslim extremists (largely excepting Reagan) and is particularly good at exploring the legal hand-wringing that went on in Washington in attempting to deal with terrorists in a politically correct manner, and a general failure to take terrorism seriously enough (the book gives perhaps the best account of the Clinton administration's failure to treat Osama bin Laden as a major threat, despite the 1999 findings of the Hart-Rudman report on national security.)
   
   A major recurring theme of the book is the now-familiar refrain of lack of intra- and inter-agency cooperation (most notably between the CIA and FBI), utter incompetence by the INS, failure to correctly analyze threats by militant religious factions (starting with the takeover of the Alkifah Refugee Center in Brooklyn, New York by Sheikh Omar Abdel Rahman, ultimately giving bin Laden prime influence at the Center,) and political cowardice in pursuing religious enemies of the United States, including enemies who had repeatedly threatened US interests.
   
   This is a very concise and well documented history of the government inaction that utterly failed to prevent the worst surprise attack in American history. I highly recommend it to everyone.



2. "9/11 could have been prevented."
   
   A dry read that will leave you frustrated with the failures within our government and around the world. Information is taken from personnel interviews and extensive references. We shut our eyes and ears--willingly ignorant. Were we looked on as a paper tiger?
   
   Posner covers: The ignored Mosques and charities in our own cities, who raise funds for terrorists; the lack of communication within and between our government, CIA, FBI, and law enforcement--division, hindrances, lack of action, ineptness; terrorists cells within; links to iraq; bombings leading up to 9/11; the warnings of the Bin Ladin progression; missed opportunities; the money flow--banks, businesses.
   
   The media reporting on domestic terrorists was overshadowed by the O.J. trial--the later bringing in a more captivated audience. Our priorities lie elsewhere.
   
   Was Zubayday tortured? Who else new and failed to tell us?
   
   Good accompaniment: "9/11 Commission Report"



3. Gerald L. Posner proved his prowess as an investigator in his books covering the murders of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. and President John F. Kennedy. But it is with this account on the political games & blunders that led to 9/11 which will define his reporting for future generations.
   
   It is not only the 20-plus years of quiet deals, turf wars and unexplainable ignorance, but the powers who hold the puppet strings of the so-called American political leaders that doomed innocent civilians on that September morning.
   
   And the perfection of the reporting has deflected harsh criticism initially aimed at Posner, in particular the threatened legal action from the Saudi ruling family. The truth really stings when it is in a book and cannot be honestly repudiated by the puppeteers.
   
   As the Bush Administration and their lap dogs - Democrats and Repulicans - in Congress and the media prepare the American people to escalate the military quagmire in Iraq and rattle the sabre at Iran and other sovereign nations, Posner's message is as important as ever.
   
   The politcians refused to set an alarm clock of common sense. It is time for the people to wake them up to the truth behind their criminal lies.



4. This is work that goes beyond just the interesting or compelling. If we think we heard all there is to hear about 9/11...then this book proves us wrong. The 2001 tragedy, as Posner documents the history, was far more than just 4 planes, 19 terrorists, three buildings, and a president in a schoolroom. Terrorist planning began years earlier. Funds from Germany were involved. The culprits roamed USA streets, lived in local east-coast apartments, and gathered illegal cash for their 9/11 project years before the event...so we find out.
   
   It's an eye-opening, totally mind-boggling chronology that's something like a spy novel, something like a drama, with built-in intrigue and depth. -Here's the perfect book for anyone confused by the reported "facts" of 9/11...or for who may be searching for the behind-the-scenes truths about CIA, FBI, White House mishaps, bungling and non-cooperation. What did the FBI know pre-9/11, and how many times did the brass there say: "Forget about it. We don't need to deal with it now"? Quite a few times, apparently. So incredible a tale about how our super-sleuth agencies and administration dropped the ball, the read often infuriates and irritates.
   
   It might be added, though Posner explained who was sleeping...and how, when, and where we were asleep at the switch, he didn't much tell us "Why" we slept, perhaps the (politico-?) background of which would be an equally magnetic story to tell. Even so, "Why America Slept" is a superb (if not slightly depressing) work!



5. Unlike Clark's book, this shows a true picture on why America let its guard down. Many people didn't do their jobs. The INS didn't implement a effective student Visa program. Liberals like Barney Frank thought it was OK to let immigrants come into this country with political terrorist backgrounds. Our presidents didn't take the opportunity to review national security concerns. In fact, Clinton didn't even meet with his CIA head for two years. Many people failed, and OBL and his group seized the opportunity. Even our allies like Germany, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia deceived us. There is alot in this short book that makes people angry. The author documents why America slept, while the terrorists planned. In fact, during the election squabble, two of the pilots were training in Florida while this was happening.
   
   This is one of the better books about 9/11. I thought I might be reading a rehash on what happened, but Posner tells his reader audience why this event happened. An interesting read, and one that will shape your perspective.

No comments about Essentials of Terrorism: Concepts and Controversies.

5 comments about A Pretext for War: 9/11, Iraq, and the Abuse of America's Intelligence Agencies.

1. The cover of the hardbook advertises "9/11, Iraq, and the abuse of America's intelligence agencies" yet a lot of the book feels like a history lesson. The author has a tendency to provide extensive backgrounds and histories for each and every person, organization, and agency involved in his book. It becomes rather tedious after the first couple of chapters. I can't swear to it but portions of this book appeared in Mr. Bamford's other books. The chapters and sections that mention the NSA are an example.
   
   Overall, I am disappointed with the book and probably will skim the remainder of it.



2. It seems to me that Hans Blix and Muhammed al-Baradei correctly reported to us the likely state of Iraq's strategic weaponry and warned us against a preemptive war. The republicans are also using an incorrect definition of weapons of mass distruction. The correct definition of weapons of mass distruction only counts as WMDs those weapons which have at least the potential of killing millions of people. Using this correct definition most chemical weapons and some biologicals are NOT WMDs.
   I would also point out that the american attempt to produce a "shock and awe" effect was THEIR use of a terror tactic.



3. One has to wade through quite a maze of disinformation in order to arrive anything of real value in this palimpsest. But, for those with extraordinary patience, there is some small modicum of value.
   
   Bamford bores the reader at first with a very detailed, and absurd, recapitulation of the government's ridiculous tale relative to the "911" disaters, complete with impossible "cell" phone calls from high up in the atmosphere and implausible reactions on the part of government agencies that simply failed to act. Most of this seems to be intended to portray George Walker Bush as the bumbling fool that he is. We didn't need all this evidence, Mr. Bamford. That case has already been well made.
   
   Finally, near the end, Bamford gets to the thesis: that the "911" disaster was nothing more than a pretext for the Iraq War. One wonders why the reader was taken on such a convoluted path to arrive at such an obvious conclusion. More than anything else, this book appears to be a partisan attack on the absurdity of the Bush administration and its foreign policy. A more factual account would have been more efficacious. We cannot, in good conscience, recommend this book.



4. a MUST READ for every American...chronological facts laid out for you so that you can't ignore!



5. James Bamford only writes a book every so often, when he feels like he has information so important that the nation needs to know it. Thankfully so. This book is no exception. However, consider skipping Part I, which consists of the first four chapters (This is just a repeat of the party line myths about the way 19 cavemen, under the command of a guy in a cave half-way around the world, were able to do miraculous things and wreak massive destruction).
   
   Then, we get to the meat, in Part II where Bamford finally begins telling us what we need to know. Here, he writes about the largest terrorist training camp in the world, located on 1,200 acres in North Carolina, USA, ran by the US military. Bamford writes that the training here involves blowing up busses using fertilizer and fuel oil (yes, Khalid Shaikh Mohammed was educated in North Carolina). Coupled with the revelations of Part III of the book, where Bamford talks about the Office of Special Plans set up by the neocons to deceive the masses, any critical thinker can figure out what really took place on 9/11.

5 comments about Future Jihad: Terrorist Strategies against the West.

1. Read on... This is a must for anyone who wants to see how they are destroying us, and what they intend. It is an absolute must for every American, Canadian, European, Latino.... this is a war of culture, religion, and people versus people. We are in the last stage of war, where one people rise up against another irrespective of nation, politics, philosophy, resources or technology. It is an all out war to the death of one, or the other. There is no compromise, there is no middle ground, there is no peace. There is only death or surrender.



2. 
   Its a must to read for any interesting in the topic wether in academia or goverments. Might become a historical outlook required in training officers to deal with contemporary threats.



3. This was the first book that I read on Jihadism and its threat to America. I was concerned that I would encounter a book advocating hatred toward Muslims - those with similar fears need not be concerned. I found this to be a well-written, easily read book that can be understood by people who, like me, are beginners on this topic.
   Provides an outstanding history of jihadism and the reasons jihadist believe as they do. The recommendations for ways to counter this threat are thought provoking and need to be discussed and implemented if deemed appropriate.
   You will find yourself talking and thinking about the arguments Mr. Phares presents long after you finish the book - Highly recommend.



4. An in depth analysis of Radical Islam and its impact on the future of democracy in the west. The author rambles a little and repeatedly emphasises points, but the content is solid and the analyses are good.



5. I have spoken to Mr. Phares, calling him up and congratulating him because I was so taken with this book. It is informative, incisive and intelligent. I believe that it is a MUST READ for every American, every human being, to understand the real threat of radical Islam in the world.

5 comments about 9/11 and American Empire: Intellectuals Speak Out, Vol. 1.

1. ...a very difficult choice, as they include books by Ahmed,Griffin,Tarpley, Zwicker and others! This collection of brilliant articles is hard to beat because it covers the key aspects of 9/11 truth and a wide range of connected important issues concerning our future. If you only have time for one book, read this!
   Pekka Castrén



2. "These are they who are conscious of the much falsehood in the world; they grow in the house of Truth, they are the strong and invincible sons of Infinity"
   
   Rig Veda



3. As soon as I heard Samuel Barber's "Adagio for Strings" appear as the definitive soundtrack for all things 9/11 during the initial grim days of this national tragedy, I had the sneaky suspicion that the event itself would wrap around us as an emotional blanket of perpetual grief and fear, smothering us to the cause of this effect, but warming us to a nationalistic zeal unmeasured in our history. There are countless books chronicalling the arrogance, calumny, deception, and criminality of the Bush administration, and even if all of his minions and Bush himself were jailed for their collective crimes against humanity, what they have done in all other constitutional and other matters pales in comparison to what "9/11 and the American Empire" suggests they've done in regard to 9/11 itself. I normally recoil from the culture of conspiracy, choosing to seek a sober, data-driven, argument for cause and effect relationships. In many ways this book achieves that in a refreshingly cold-hearted way. Subtracting the emotion from its charge, the authors argue cooly for the plausibility that a cadre of neo-cons were dedicated to advancing American hegemony, ignoring the rationale it takes to warrant Empire, and ignoring the lessons history has given them to recoil from pursuing Empire. If you have your own suspicions about the nature of anything 9/11, you owe it to your own curiosity to read this book. When it settles on you that a greater truth is out there beyond what the vapid mass media reports, then you'll have to decide for yourself whether to recoil from a harder truth that our government is in the grips of a new kind of fascism, or just turn away, shrug in disbelief, and change the channel and hope for the best.Finally, those who dismiss any scholarship on seeking the truth on 9/11 should embrace skepticism for its own sake, for doubting the motives of those who have abused authority and power is at the very core of democratic thinking and the very founding of our constitutional republic. The secrecy of the Bush administration, couched as it is in claims of national security, is cause for great concern. The very fact, verifiable even in the most flaccid journal of mass media, that Bush did NOT want 9/11 investigated suggests culpability.Though I do not want to believe my country's leaders would concoct such a monstrous offense to America and the world, I believe skepticism warrants a vigorous investigation into this terrible tragedy.



4. David Ray Griffin's newest book is a must read for people who think. Each chapter is written by a different author to give the reader the "big picture" on 911, putting it into proper context. Most people are unaware of the credible information presented in this book which is well referenced in scholarly fashion. This work is most convincing that the actual conspiracy theory is the media's official account on 911. Any intelligent person that reads this book will understand that the actual facts and science contradict the official story and that 911 had to be an inside job. Thank you Dr. Griffin for your work in getting the truth out.
   N. Monastero
   Escondido, CA



5. I bought 9/11: THE INTELLECTUALS SPEAK OUT as a supplement to Webster Griffin Tarpley's 9/11: SYNTHETIC TERROR. I was however disappointed. The only virtue that Griffin and Scott's book has over Tarpley is their rejection of his absurd notion that President Bush was "out of the loop" when the "rogue elements" in our government staged 9/11. As they say, "Bush's location had been highly publicized. And if the attacks were a complete surprise, executed solely by foreign terrorists, the Secret Service agents would have no idea how many planes had been hijacked. They would have had to assume that the president himself might be one of the targets. For all they would have known, a hijacked airliner might have been headed toward the school at that very minute, ready to crash into it. And yet these agents, trained to respond instantly in such situations, allowed the president to remain in the classroom another ten minutes." (p. 13). In other words, the White House knew in advance what the targets would be.
   
   Where this book fails miserably is in its lack of explanation of how a terrorist attack could have been staged using real airliners with the ensuing real casualties. Here Tarpley does much better, in attributing this to the Global Hawk system, through which ground control can turn an airliner into a drone controlled by themselves. Originally designed to prevent hijackings, it can all too easily be used to simulate them (Tarpley, pp. 193-196). Both books spend a lot of time debunking the notion that the airliners alone could have been responsible for the collapse of the World Trade Center. But what is this "rogue element" within our government which staged these attacks? Unfortunately, Griffin and Scott do little to correct Tarpley's flawed thesis that they constitute a small cabal and that the problem they pose can be solved by "working through the system". In fact the criminals can be found throughout our entire executive branch and to some extent in the two other branches of government as well. They represent the totalitarian state which has been growing up within our democracy over the decades. They are the real terrorists, and traitors to the American Republic, and must be removed by any means necessary.

3 comments about Countering the New Terrorism.

1. This book is excellent. It covers many topics, mainly related to Air Force Security, and makes each of them readable and interesting. I learned alot about where terrorists are coming from and some of the things the Air Force is doing to counter them.



2. This book is the result of a RAND Corporation study, undertaken for the United States Air Force, looking into the modern incarnations of terrorism, and its threat to the Air Force. However, this book goes far beyond its original purview. This book takes an in-depth look at the "new" terrorism, which is non-hierarchical and often non-ideological, but which is infinitely more prone to deadly violence and the use of weapons of mass destruction.
   
   This book begins with an examination of the "new" terrorism, referencing such diverse terrorist groups as Osama bin Laden's Al-Qaeda, Aum Shinrikyo in Japan, American Militias, and narco-terrorist organizations. The final chapter covers how to counter the new terrorism.
   
   This book, written in 1999, seems nothing short of prescient! On page 88 it says, "Until recent years, however, few of these [terrorist] attacks took place within the United States, partly because traditional terrorist groups found the prospect of operations in the United States too difficult, politically counterproductive, or simply unnecessary. Most observers now believe the threshold for significant international terrorism in the United States has been crossed..."
   
   If you are interested in understanding the new terrorism and the steps that need to be taken to counter it, or if you wish to understand the plans that are possibly being constructed by the United States government, then I cannot recommend this book enough. It gives the reader an excellent grasp of how new terrorist organizations are organized, how they work, how to fight them, and where future threats are likely to come from.
   
   Buy this book!



3. This is a fairly recently produced document that could act as a primer for terrorists activities against the US. The books main thrust was how these new terrorist organization threaten the US Air Force and what the Air Force can do to protect itself. Do not worry about the book being to narrow, the authors take a much broader view at describing the terrorist threat and we are not bogged down by new and improved guard post theories. As the book was written before 9-11 there are some comments that are chilling when viewed with today's knowledge of recent history.

   The book covers the basic organization structures of the terrorist organizations and how they operate. The book also gives a brief run down of who the current organizations that are active. It also talks about the trends in terrorism in both the type of groups and the type of attacks. The point the authors make is that there are fewer attacks, but they are increasing in their destructiveness. My only complaint was that the section talking about the organizational structures of the terrorist groups started to read like a management textbook, a little dry and dull. Overall the book is interesting with some very interesting comments viewed in a post 9-11 world. If you are looking for a quick brief of terrorists then this is a good place to start.

5 comments about Gandhi and Beyond: Nonviolence for an Age of Terrorism.

1. I had two misgivings about this book before I began to read it. Both of my misgivings turned out to be unfounded. The first one was that since I have read my fair share of nonviolence books I feared that it would all be repetition. Cortright starts the book with Mohandas Gandhi and Martin Luther King, but not with the ordinary biographical stories of their lives. Rather he uses them as vehicles to explain the secret of nonviolence together with today's scholars and his own opinions. It works very well and even though Gandhi and King are familiar to me I learned a lot, especially in a later chapter were he writes about Gandhi's and King's views on gender and sexuality. The second misgiving was the subtitle which made me hesitate if I would buy it or not: "Nonviolence for an Age of Terrorism". I was afraid that this was another American too hung up on terrorism; like terrorism was the biggest problem humans face today. As a Swede, living in a country who has not been struck by terrorism or taken part in the "war on terrorism" it might be more difficult for me to understand why terrorism is seen as the biggest problem in the world, when tens of thousands of people are dying every day of poverty. Actually the book doesn't talk very much about terrorism, but poses an important challenge to nonviolent activists. If we want to stop the "war on terror" we ought to be able to provide a better solution to the problem of terrorism than the military does.
   
   I have been racking my brain on how we can be more effective in our nonviolent campaigns. This book gave me a lot of food for thought on the subject. But unlike strategists like Gene Sharp, Cortright doesn't limit nonviolence to its effectiveness. He sees nonviolence not just as a method but as a way of life. He tells about his struggles and his times of doubts about the ideas of nonviolence. My respect and admiration for the author rose after I understood how much involved he has been for many decades and still is in the peace movement. Here is a man who not only teaches and writes about Gandhi and King, but actually tries to use their methods in his life. He manages to combines the learnings of the history of nonviolence with the nonviolent movement of today - a potent combination that we need more of. I am sure military analysts sit day in and day out trying to analyze yesterday's battles to learn how to fight more effectively tomorrow. We nonviolent activists have something to learn from the military in that sense. Cortright's book really highlights the importance of making this analysis and to learn from our mistakes.
   
   The book gives a refreshing criticism of our nonviolent icons. I had heard negative rumours about Gandhi and King but was unsure if they were true. According to this book some of them were and some were not. But Cortright makes a more important point - you can admire one part of a human's life - like Gandhi's nonviolent struggle against the British occupation while at the same time be deeply critical to another part of the same person's life - like Gandhi's warped views on gender and sexuality. Cortright rightly points out that we should not expect flawless leaders. Talking about leaders, I have been embarrassed to keep coming with nothing but male nonviolent role models in my nonviolent workshops. So I was happy to find two great female role models in this book; Dorothy Day and Barbara Deming. Two women who really deserve more appreciation for their contributions in the nonviolence struggle.
   
   In the end of the book Cortright gives us some practical tools to use in the nonviolent struggle were he emphasizes the importance of setting up concrete and achievable goals and warning us from disregarding the importance of fund-raising and working effectively with the media. He also encourages us to try new, creative and some times more risky nonviolence methods; not always the petitions, demonstrations but also boycotts, strikes, blockades and sit-ins. These types of methods have proved to be the most effective in the nonviolence movement according to the author. We who work for peace and justice face incredible challenges. It is easy to get discouraged when you see what you are up against. Cortright gives us hope in spite of this. He shows many examples of how nonviolence has made fantastic gains the last decades. There have been victories even in the cases were it seemed we failed. And it takes time, some times a very long time, to change for the better. What we need in the struggle is persistence and hope according to Cortright. Both these traits have grown stronger in me while reading this book.
   
   Martin Smedjeback [...]



2. What I appreciated about this book most is that it told the "rest of the story" about those who have used civil disobedience as a tool to change their governments and the world. These activists were not portrayed as perfect, but rather subject to the human frailties that we all have.
   
   Not only did the book offer reminders of how others have used civil disobedience, but reminded us that they were human. This alone made civil disobedience a tool within everyone's grasp. It reminded me that the good fight is one that we can all participate. Before this book, I had put these activists up on a shelf and only loved them for being better than human. After reading this book, I loved them even more for being imperfect like me, which empowered me to more courageously participate in the struggle for justice...even though I too am not a saint.



3. "Gandhi and Beyond: Nonviolence for an Age of Terrorism" provides an in-depth perspective from a longtime participant and scholar of nonviolent resistance. It discusses various strategies of nonviolence along with the strengths and foibles of its two most famous twentieth-century practitioners -- MLK and Gandhi. The book also talks about nonviolent resisters such as Dorothy Day, Cesar Chavez, Barbara Deming, and Margaret Sanger.
   
   Informative as it is, the book is not a fully objective, academic view of nonviolent protest, but rather more of a left-wing perspective. Granted, the majority of nonviolent resistance movements have arguably come from the left. Still, the book would benefit from the mention of nonviolent resistance in the pro-life protests of the last 34 years. Inclusion of such information would have provided some balance to the Margaret Sanger section.
   
   Also, the title is a bit misleading in that the author devotes only a few pages to nonviolent resistance of terrorism, and the information doesn't offer much beyond the standard strategy of using police work to prosecute terrorists while reaching out to moderates in the communities in which terrorists recruit. Although I mostly agree with this strategy of isolating extremists and reaching out to moderates, I was hoping to gain more insight on the subject than I did from the book. Even so, however, the book is still an informative read.



4. A great review of the impact of Gandhi's active non-violence and its implications for todays age of terrorism and proactive war. A reminder of the benefits that could happen if we really tried active non-violence, as people, as communities, as a nation. What a world it would be. Thanks to the author for reminding us of the possibilities. Mary Nelson



5. This is a thoughtful, well-written and accessible overview of the history and issues of non-violence ; I found it superior to the more ambitious "Nonviolence," which I recently read and which was long on history but short on issues and insights.
   
   Cortright has been long in the trenches and knows the issues. I appreciated his efforts to give the kinds of credit to women that men writing on this subject so often ignore--especially his discussions of Dorothy Day and Barbara Deming--too often written out or trivialized. However, I was deeply disheartened by the fact that in giving examples of effective non-violence that has brought about major changes in societies, he totally ignores the women's liberation movement (later mainstreamed as the "women's movement") of the 1960s and 1970s. There are so many specific actions and approaches that would have hugely enriched his discussion, and however much we are currently seeing backlash and retreat, the effect of that movement was surely transformative. So much for non-violence folk to learn from there. It has been painful enough to me to see that powerful movement distorted, trivialized and erased in mainstream writing, but it's a real stab when someone like Cortright does the same.
   
   That's why I rated the book a 3 instead of a 4. But otherwise, I do recommend it.

5 comments about Hog Pilots, Blue Water Grunts: The American Military in the Air, at Sea, and on the Ground.

1. 'Hog Pilots, Blue Water Grunts' by Robert D. Kaplan
   
   Kaplan's most recent work is an extremely well written military travelogue in the style of his previously released, 'Imperial Grunts'. 'Hog Pilots' takes the author into other far flung spots of the globe, both in the news & out, to demonstrate the US Military's ability to provide civilian aid and training to countries requiring our assistance. A major theme examined in this book is the rise of China as a superpower and how our armed services have tailored their exercises to meet this global paradigm shift. Additionally, the inter-military nature of the services we provide countries around the globe is a recurring topic - the "purple" or cross service nature of deployments illustrate just how effective our military branches have become working cooperatively & efficiently. Mr. Kaplan's fine writing style never disappoints and readers with any level of interest in the military and it's inner workings will thoroughly enjoy 'Hog Pilots'.
   
   - JC



2. The book which preceded Hog Pilots, Blue Water Grunts (Imperial Grunts) was an informative and touching collection of snapshots of service men and women stationed on the edges of America's military map. As of this writing, I haven't finished Hog Pilots, but it's clearly cut from the same cloth. I'm profoundly grateful for the specific individuals mentioned in these books as well as their un-named brothers and sisters - all of whom faithfully serve us with ingenuity and determination. I'm also grateful that Robert Kaplan is willing to drag his 50-something bones out to these remote and dangerous places to bring these stories back to us.



3. With apparently unequaled access to all the branches of the U.S. Armed Services Robert Kaplan was unable to string his experiences together into readable form. I couldn't finish this book, and I hate not finishing books. The only reason I gave it two stars was because of the chapter on the A-10 pilots. hopefully my recycling this book will somewhat negate the damage done to the environment by publishing it. Sadly, the damage done to my wallet and my time will remain. If you really want to read this book I'll gladly sell you my copy.



4. This is a really bad book. Kaplan plays toy soldier, hangs out with military units all over the world and comes back with no particular insight and nothing to say. Its the adventures of a military groopie or wannabe who gets to play without paying.
   
   In as much as there is an argument, its the same one from Imperial grunts. We don't need a fighting army anymore and the special forces can do everything. And Kaplan still doesn't understand that special forces are special because they are small and that the concept can't be scaled up to infinity.
   
   He talks about covering Africa with A-teams. But he doesn't understand that 95% of the people in the military are not suitable for A-teams and that cost is not what determines how many A-teams you have.
   
   His evaluations of the military come across as nothing more than blind admiration. Elite is the most commonly used word in the book and its applied to almost everyone serving to the point where it loses all meaning. Same with special forces. He applies the terms to regular military units which are in no way special forces. And Kaplan is in love with every weapons system as well. I'm sorry but navy submarines are not special forces teams on the cutting edge of intelligence gathering. They are the "big force" army Kaplan used to be critical of.
   
   This is by far the worst book Kaplan has ever written (not politically but as a matter of writing craft). If your looking for a feel-good book about the US military and those who serve in it, you will probably like the book. Its a good book for amature military buffs. But for anyone looking for depth or useful content, don't bother.



5. Compared to his earlier book, The Imperial Grunts, this one is not as good but it enhanced my view of the US Military much more than the "Imperial Grunts" since that book was mostly written about the ground forces deployed around the world. This one is about the naval, air forces and ground forces altogether but its emphasis is more on Air Force and Navy. It's a very informative book on the status of the US military and its future. Robert D. Kaplan is an able author with tons of knowledge about the past and he wonderfully mixes the past with present and then predicts the future to the best of his ability. I recommend his books to the military and political enthusiasts.