No comments about John Quincy Adams - Old Man Eloquent (Biography).

No comments about Saddam Hussein - The Butcher of Baghdad (Biography).

1 comments about The Lincoln Trail in Pennsylvania: A History and Guide.

1. A thoughtfully detailed and entertaining narrative with lots of captivating photos of the key people and places of Lincoln's visits to the Commonwealth. I also liked the appendix which provided guidance on how to follow and experience the Lincoln Trail. I'm not a Lincoln expert, so the accounts of his experiences here were new to me and fascinating to read... but that also means my rating is just a reflection of how much I liked this book, not a comparison to other books about Mr. Lincoln. It is unquestionably well-written.

No comments about Abraham Lincoln: Great American Historians on Our Sixteenth President.

3 comments about Young Hickory: The Making of Andrew Jackson.

1. Young Hickory carries you along like a boat in a spring flood. The story of the British campaign in the Carolinas is as well-told as I have ever read. Booraem is a fine story-teller and paints an unforgettable picture of those exciting times. -



2. YOUNG HICKORY
   The Making of Andrew Jackson
   Hendrik Booraem

   Character and personality are shaped, it is generally believed, almost entirely in the early years. When the poet William Wordsworth says, "the child is father of the man" he echoes an earlier poet, John Milton, who said, "childhood shows the man, as morning shows the day."

   In this excellent biography by Hendrik Booraem we learn of the time, the events and the people that bent the twig that would grow into Old Hickory, the seventh president of the United States -- Andrew Jackson.

   Old Hickory is but one of the many nicknames that adhered to President Jackson. It is a wonderfully appropriate name. The quality of hickory is strength and endurance; it is the perfect handle for any striking tool that delivers great force and will not break on impact. He was also called the Hero of New Orleans, Duel Fighter and Sharp Knife. It will probably never be known just how many duels Jackson fought, or even how many men he killed in the process. As president, Jackson was feared for his rages. They seemed uncontrollable, yet it is believed he used his anger as a precision tool to intimidate and control others.

   "Young Hickory" provides a fascinating account of Jackson's life up to age 21. Biographer, Hendrik Booraem is a noted historian; this is his third book focused on the adolescent years of an American President. I have not read his first, "The Road to Respectability" (1988) about President James A. Garfield. But, I have read and reread "The Provincial" (1994) Booraem's penetrating take on Calvin Coolidge. That careful and insightful book goes further to explain the character of the 30th president than does any other single book published in the last 50 years. In the case of Coolidge -- Booraem's research is exhaustive and painstaking. Often, he discovered neglected primary sources or assigned a new spin to an old story. I can only assume that the same quality is present in his book on Jackson. Where the record is not clear, and that is often the case, he provides you with the divergent accounts and his reasons for the one he chooses and the basis for his informed speculation.

   The style of this book is literate and graceful; the words conduct you to the world of young Andy Jackson and make you glad you took the journey. Young Hickory was born on March 15, 1767. He grew up in South Carolina and considered himself a native of that state. There is some basis for the stoutly held contention that he was in fact born in North Carolina. As a boy, Jackson endured hardship and suffering. It is a wonder that he survived his youth. But, let's have Rik Booraem speak from his preface:

   "The story of his early life, which unfolded during the American Revolution in the Carolinas, is highly dramatic. He nearly died of small pox after being wounded and imprisoned at the age of fourteen. The war destroyed his home and his immediate family. He constructed an entirely new identity to replace the one he had lost. After becoming a successful lawyer, he turned his attention toward the land west of the mountains."




3. By focusing on just Jackson before he turned 21 and through a very nice sketch of life in the South (and later North) Carolina backcountry, Booraem provides a sympathetic and seemingly accurate account for the origins of most of Andrew Jackson's personal quirks.
   
   Booraem is hesitant to psychoanalyxe, and while I disagreed with a few of his personal asessments, he spends most of his time providing facts not interpretation. The endnotes of this book are almost as fascinating as the narrative and between the two they provide much clarification of this rather shadowy period of Jackson's life.
   
   Several not so positive points: Booraem provides n real explanation at all for Jackson's anti Indian sentiments (and later behaviour) but that seems to be largely guided by the need to stick as closely as possible to sources about Jackson. Deeper psychology is clearly not one of Booraem interests and so this is often a point that makes the book suffer narratively, but on the other hand it is probably what distinguishes this book from what came before it. The second weakness is related to the first, and that is the division between the perod to the death of Jackson's mother and his early legal career. A little more detail on the political situation in the Carolina backcountry would have been extremely useful. After reading this I began to look for a history of post revolutionary war North and South Carolina, but probably will never get around to it as I am not a Carolinian nor a professional historian. Whether this last complaint speaks badly of myself or Booraem, I'll leave the reader to judge.
   
   On the whole I give this a very strong recommendation.

No comments about The Presidential election of 1880 (Jesuit studies).

2 comments about Pierre:: Colleagues and Friends Talk about the Trudeau They Knew.

1. This book is a memorable, entertaining, and moving compilation of memories of Canada's most intriguing and charismatic prime minister. Southam, a close personal friend of Trudeau, asked former colleagues, staff, lovers, friends, and fellow heads of state to write about the man that they knew. The result is a portrait of an amazingly gifted, shy, feisty, complex man with an insatiable love and curiosity for the world, and a deep love and closeness with his children.
   
   Whether you're Canadian or not, I promise you that you will enjoy reading this fascinating compilation of stories and thoughts about one of the most accomplished and intriguing people of the 20th century.



2. This offers largely the same puffy Trudeau hagiography that you'll find in the biographies of the man. Quoting Conrad Black's chapter on Trudeau, Mark Steyn of the Telegraph Group says:
   
   'Fortunately, Conrad Black is on hand to keep things in proportion. In 'Pierre: Colleagues and Friends Talk About the Trudeau They Knew', Black concludes his appreciation thus:
   
   "I always found him a delightful conversationalist and a gracious host, though perhaps slow to reach for the bill in a restaurant, even when we were there on his invitation."
   
   Too true. He left us with the bill, in every sense.'

2 comments about Harry S. Truman (American Presidents Reference Series).

1. This is a book for the middle/ high school age student. It is a photobiography, so it is packed with images and great information in a friendly format. I learned a lot as a teacher about Harry S, Truman from this book and I suspect that other teachers and there students will to. Great book and highly recommended.



2. This was required reading for a graduate course in American history. In this engaging biography, Robert H. Ferrell, who has authored and edited eight previous books on Truman, does an admirable job of presenting the life and presidency of Harry S. Truman. Although one can detect Ferrell's admiration for Truman, one senses from the extensive notes, bibliography, and research conducted at the Truman Library as well as his willingness to criticize Truman for his mistakes, that Ferrell has written a very balanced biography of Truman. Ferrell's book is a good introductory biography of Truman's whole life; the first eight chapters are devoted to his life prior to his ascendancy to the presidency in 1945 after the death of Franklin Delano Roosevelt. One gets the sense that Truman was the last president of an earlier and simpler time in America. He was the last president who was not a college graduate nor was he well--off financially. Ferrell's biography captures the essence of what type of a man Truman was and what history and his fellow citizens perceived him as.
   "A plain-speaking, straight-talking, ordinary fellow (people thought) who did what he saw as his duty without turning his obligation into opportunity for personal gain" (179). Ferrell also exposed Truman's flaws such as being overprotective and too loyal to friends that had done wrong. Often he took it as a personal affront when anyone differed with him.
   Ferrell presents a few experiences from Truman's early years that formed his character. From farming, Truman gained a work ethic that served him well throughout his life. His experience as an artillery captain and battery commander during WWI was instrumental in proving to himself and others that he was a very capable and caring leader of men. This experience was instrumental in putting him on the path of a political life. His experience as a failed haberdasher and bank speculator in the 1920's caused Truman to be a fiscal conservative the rest of his life and a good steward of the government's money. In addition, he learned about and came to understand and respect ethnic minorities, such as Catholics and Jews, from his Army and haberdashery experiences. Thus, Ferrell astutely proved that understanding Truman's early life experiences are instrumental if one wants to properly analyze Truman's decision-making process in the domestic and foreign policy arena.
   "The Buck Stops Here" placard on Truman's desk has become legendary in presidential history. One of his secretaries of state, Dean Acheson, admired Truman for capably understanding the complexities of a situation and his willingness to make a hard decision without vacillating. Truman was adept at gathering all of the facts in a timely manner, listening to people's opinions and turning the options over in his mind, and then when he arrived at what he thought was the correct decision, he made it and stuck to his guns. Truman wound up making many important decisions that have affected America to this day such as, using nuclear weapons against Japan to end WWII, integrating the military in 1948, recognizing the state of Israel, creating the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and involving American military forces in the Korean war.
   One of the first, most momentous, and most often debated decisions that Truman had to make as President was whether to use two atomic bombs against Japan to hasten the end of WWII. Ferrell and other historians have made a very convincing argument to support Truman's decision-making process to use nuclear weapons to end the war. The Japanese military, who effectively controlled their government, were fanatics in their prosecution of the war. The Japanese people had suffered through numerous fire bombings of their cities in the months leading up to the end of the war, in which hundreds of thousands of their citizens were killed. In addition, the military had lost many battles and virtually all of its island holdings in the Pacific, and yet the government was strengthening its homeland forces and preparing for invasion instead of seriously considering surrender. Ferrell, relying on information gathered by Edward J. Drea, who wrote about the American military intelligence estimate gathered in July of 1945 mainly through the deciphering of Japanese radio traffic, showed that up to 600,000 Japanese were being prepared to fight in the event of an American invasion. Even this estimate turned out to be too low, since after the war American intelligence learned that the Japanese actually had some 900,000 prepared to fight against the invasion. American military estimates of the cost of life in the event of an invasion of the Japanese home islands were at best sketchy, and many historians who have written against the use of atomic weapons have used the unreliability of the estimates as one of their examples why Truman was wrong to use the nuclear option. However, Thomas B. Allen and Norman Polmar in their book, Codename Downfall, which detailed the plan to invade Japan, wrote that Truman was presented with an estimate that showed that there could be 238,000 American casualties and possibly the same number of Japanese casualties. This information coupled with the very real evidence of how tenaciously the Japanese people had fought was no myth, and convinced Truman that dropping the bombs on Japan to end the war was the right decision. One only had to look at the horrific casualty figures for American battles on Iwo Jima and Okinawa to name a few in order to understand just how fiercely the Japanese were capable of fighting. Ferrell aptly showed that Truman's decision has come under criticism throughout the years partly because of how he had stridently defended it and was so dismissive of the critics of his decision. "The president's critics, one suspects, were ready to accuse him because they did not admire other things he did or approved. They were critical because of his well-known decisiveness, which sometimes seemed offhanded" (214).
   Truman, almost by necessity and circumstance, was forced to alter America's foreign policy of isolationism to one of internationalism. Truman realized the Korean War left him in a predicament. If he did not defend South Korea in the wake of North Korea's attack, he then would acquiescence to the Communist North Koreans, and ultimately the Russians. By not defending South Korea, American prestige in Asia and the world would undoubtedly would be tarnished. Yet, if he did attack, he risked a world war with the Chinese and the Russians, and ultimately a nuclear war. In light of the Truman doctrine, and America's stance on communism, Truman decided to defend South Korea. It was a widely unpopular war, which ended in a stalemate. Yet, Ferrell entertains a notion that America did not become the world superpower after WW II, but rather during the Korean War because America intervened to defend a non-communist nation, in essence, America became the police and protection force for weaker non-communist countries in the face of communist aggression. Many historians would agree that the year 1945 and the history after irreversibly changed the world. The cold war, America's role in world affairs, and the question of nuclear weapons all contributed.
   Truman initially set about reorganizing the bureaucracy, conducting a complete overhaul of cabinet and staff. In addition to creating the Budget Bureau and the National Security Council, he created the Council of Economic Advisers, which he staffed it with both conservatives and liberals and regarded it as an advisory committee. Ferrell positively describes Truman's intellect, honesty, and integrity throughout the book but one of the places where it shines most brightly is in his civil rights efforts, which is rarely given the credit it deserves in historical accounts. Ferrell examines possible reasons behind Truman's change of heart on civil rights and concludes that much of his perspective came from his principled sense of fairness and his belief that the duty of the office of the President was to represent all Americans. The Truman-appointed Civil Rights Commission presented a frank report, entitled To Secure These Rights, with a ten-point agenda of civil rights reforms. Lacking congressional support, he turned to the power of executive orders to start the desegregation of the armed forces.
   His second administration was marred by scandals, including the Hoey Investigation, the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, and the Bureau of Internal Revenue illegal activity, for which the president was criticized for failing to take appropriate action. Another one of Truman's domestic challenges, which cost him politically, was labor strikes. To avoid a steelworker strike, Truman invoked what he believed to be the inherent powers of the president to seize control of the mills and was rebuffed by the Supreme Court. As the 1952 election loomed, Truman bristled that the emerging Democratic candidate, Adlai Stevenson, was distancing himself from Truman's administration. Although they reconciled and Truman even assisted with campaign speeches, it was to little avail. Eisenhower won 55 percent of the popular vote and Truman finished out his lame duck presidency.
   In his post-presidency years, Truman returned to Independence and his quiet life. He solicited donations to build a presidential library, which he donated to the federal government, a convention which later presidents have followed. Likewise, he refused endorsements and placement in corporate payrolls because he believed that accepting financial opportunities would diminish the integrity of the office of President. As a result, Harry and Bess Truman lived out the remainder of their lives without the safety of financial savings. He established a precise daily routine at his library, which included writing copious amount of letters and receiving many visitors. Ever the politician, he remained connected with Washington life and accepted invitations to the White House in both the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations. In his final years, bothered with health problems, he took refuge in music and books. He died the day after Christmas, 1972 and was buried at his presidential library in Independence, with all the pomp and circumstance fitting a former President.
   
   Thus, Ferrell does a very convincing job of making one believe just how important and interesting it is to study Truman, especially since he was so very different from the presidents who had come before and after him.
   
   Recommended reading for anyone interested in American history, foreign policy, Cold War history.

4 comments about Jimmy Carter American Moralist.

1. The strength of this book lies in the depth of it's treatment of Jimmy Carter's formative years. It falls short on details of his governing years. Many conclusions are transparently flimsy but, for someone coming in with little knownledge of Carter's life like myself, it was an informative read.



2. Although Morris writes and interesting biography, the strength of the book is when he's telling Carter's story and the environment in which Carter acts. I found the psychoanalysis less compelling. I would have preferred if the author drew his conculsions in the text and relegated his descriptions of the school of sociological thought that a particular Carter behavior might have fit to the endnotes. Sociology too often interferes with a good story that Morris generally tells well, especially Carter's childhood. I wish the book had a more detailed account of Carter's Presidency. What's there is good, but more is needed. I thought the author offered many interesting political insights, but found his comparison of the economic record of Carter and his neighboring Presidents very poor. The economic analysis relies too heavily on comparing 4-year averages of certain indicators rather than describing what the trends were, what the causes were, and how well Carter acted to address the trends.



3. Jimmy Who? That was the question many American asked themselves during the 1976 presidential campaign. Who was this obscure southern governor positioning himself into the highest office in the land? Twenty-five years later, many Americans find themselves asking this exact same question despite a presidential term and a prominent life in volunteer work. While a full understanding of Jimmy Carter is impossible, Mr. Morris provides a fine introduction to his life. The author puts a strong emphasis on the role morality played both in Carter's private life and public image. The book is especially strong in exploring Carter's childhood and early political career - a topic that is neglected in every other Carter book. Less emphasis is placed on Carter's presidential term. Major incidents that shaped the late 1970s receive only a few pages each. What are we to make of Jimmy Carter's presidency? Even though the Southern Baptist may have been the most ethical and decent man to occupy the White House this century, the record is wanting, at best, miserable at worst. This is because Carter lacked any core vision of where he wanted to take his country. He never explained to voters or to himself the direction he wanted to take us. Further, in cases where Carter was more assertive, like energy policy, he was inexperienced in how Washington politics worked. He stumbled badly in his Congressional relations and he never constructed a loyal constituency out of the American public. There were some positives, such as the Egypt-Israel peace accords and legislation deregulating the airline and trucking industries. The Iran Hostage affair was a perplexing situation that would have frustrated any leader. But on economics and Cold War relations, the most important issues of Carter's term, his administration was especially inept. Even though Carter had private misgivings about Keynesianism, he couldn't bring himself to repudiate the tenets of social liberalism. Government spending surged under Carter's term. Inflation proved resistant to his wage and price contols. Under Carter's foreign policy team, detente continued to be a one-way street working to Moscow's advantage. It took a man with a far different perspective of the world, Ronald Regan, to reverse Carter's shortcomings. It is unfair to label Jimmy Carter a failure. Only the harshest critic can label a man who rose to the highest office in the land - and served with honesty and integrity- as a "failure." But Carter's presidency was constrained by a lack of vision, competence, and a failed ideology. The responsibility for this situation lies solely with this farmer's son from Plains.



4. "Jimmy Carter - American moralist" is an excellently researched and well written biography of the 39th American president. It provides us with a fine introduction to the ex-president's private and public life. The book is very detailed in exploring Carter's childhood and early political career. Although I found that part interesting to read, I wish it had been as detailed on the account of his presidency. As a born-again Christian there is no doubt that morality played (and still plays) a major role both in Carter's private as well as public life. Unfortunately, strong moral and ethics is not enough to make a good leader and president (I think Bill Clinton is the best example on that...)

   President Carter endured the lowest poll ratings ever to be recorded. And after leaving office he spent years as America's favorite guy to pick on. He dedicated himself to volunteer work, especially working with the organization "Habitat for Humanity". More than a decade would pass before he again, in the mid-90'ies, would enjoy life in the public limelight. In 1994 Atlanta Georgia, he got his (long overdue) tribute in bronze, his public ratings was again soaring, and he received invitations to join peace negotiating teams etc.

   "Jimmy Carter - American moralist" (together with Powell's "My American Journey") was my introduction to reading about American politics and history. In this book, the author strikes a perfect balance between political jargon, facts and figures. And the result is a biography easy to read, even for lay readers like me. I learned a lot from reading this book, and it inspired me to continue to explore the field further.

   An interesting biography!

No comments about Franklin Delano Roosevelt (American Presidents Reference Series).