5 comments about Here's Where I Stand: A Memoir.

1. 1st Prize for Outstanding Crassness at a Time of Great National Stress goes to Phyllis Schlafly of Eagle Forum, who, on Day 4 of the hurricane disaster, sent an 'Urgent Message" to her subscribers on behalf of none other than Mrs. Dorothy Helms.
   
   What was the urgency? Just this: we must urgently run out and buy Mr. Helms' *Here's Where I Stand* before the liberals "torpedo" the thing and ruin Jesse's day. According to Mrs. Helms, liberals are "all set" to do just that.
   
   Funny, Booklist and Kirkus are pretty blase about it.
   
   Likewise most reader reviews here.
   
   The fact is, the book isn't the least bit scandalous. If that's what you're hoping for, you're out of luck. Send your money to the Red Cross instead.



2. JESSIE HELMS NEW BESTSELLING MEMOIR "HERES WHERE I STAND" IS A BOOK LIKE NO OTHER. IT IS BOTH WELL WRITTION AND RICH IN POLITICAL HISTORY. THIS FINE STATESMEN HAS SERVED MANY PRESIDENTS AND THROUGH THESE MANY FAST READING PAGES TAKES THE READER THROUGH ALL THE HISTORICAL EVENTS AND HAPPENINGS THAT HE HAD THE HONOR TO HAVE SHAPPED, PLAYED A PART IN OR TAKEN A STAND FOR. THIS FINE PUBLICATION IS MORE THEAN A MEMOIR IT IS A REAL INSIDERS ACCOUNT OF SOME OF THE GREATEST EVENTS AND WORLD LEADERS WHO ARE TAKING A STAND FOR THINGS THAT MATTER THE MOST. I LIKED THIS BOOK BECAUSE I GOT TO KNOW THE REAL JESSE HELMS AND NOT FROM WHAT I LEARNED I GOT A BETTER UNDERSTANDING OF HOW OUR GOVERMENT WORKS. THIS BOOK WOULD MAKE AN AWSOME GIFT FOR A FRIEND, FAMILY MEMBER, CHURCH FRIEND, SPECIAL PASTOR, OR PERHAPS A SOLDIER SERVING OVER SEAS. LEARN THE TRUTH ABOUT THIS FINE STATESMAN READ THIS BOOK!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!



3. The only other political figure as divisive as former Senator Jesse Helms is former President Bill Clinton. That's saying something considering the endless number of scandals both big and small that plagued Clinton's presidency. Jesse Helms had no comparable problems during his thirty years in office, but derision and controversy followed him nonetheless. Why? Because the very presence of Helms, an archconservative of the first order, vexed to no end the hopeless liberals in the mainstream media. The primary way journalism hacks dealt with Helms was to not deal with him, i.e. try to ignore his presence in the Senate. When it became absolutely necessary to mention his name, like during the failed William Weld nomination as ambassador to Mexico in which Helms played a major role, the tactic switched to good old-fashioned tar and feathering. The media mavens, barely containing their scornful smirks, heaped derision on the venerable senator from North Carolina. "Obstructionist" and "extremist" were the least harmful labels applied to Helms. We were much more likely to hear insinuations about racism (a favorite smear employed by the left to reframe debates near and dear to their hearts) and hardheaded cold heartedness. The Democrats breathed a collective sigh of relief when Helms retired a few years ago.
   
   Now Jesse Helms has reemerged, albeit briefly, with a single volume memoir entitled, "Here's Where I Stand." The book serves as his opportunity to clear the air, so to speak, by providing interested readers with information on his upbringing and how his life informed the decisions he made as a senator. I knew that Helms was born and raised in North Carolina, but I didn't know the particulars until I read this engaging book. He grew up poor in a small town called Monroe, the son of man who served the village as head of both the police and fire departments. Helms recalls his childhood as a golden time in his life despite the fact that the country was wading through the worst of the Great Depression. Through tenacity and a willingness to take a number of different jobs, Helms managed to impress the sort of people who could help a serious young man secure a slot in college. The future senator worked hard at his studies, joined the Navy when World War II broke out, married his wife at roughly the same time, and began a career in journalism all within the space of a few years. What comes across in these sections most strongly is the fact that Jesse Helms knew how to create opportunities and then take advantage of them, a trait largely lost to most of the populace today.
   
   I had no idea about Helms's journalistic background, let alone the fact that he came to statewide prominence thanks to his daily editorials on WRAL during the early days of television. His experience as a media personality likely prepared him for the derision he faced when he ran for his first term as senator in the early 1970s. Largely written off by the national journalism outlets when he initially captured his seat, the same people spent the next thirty years trying to marginalize his influence and force him out of office. Helms eventually chaired the powerful Senate Foreign Relations Committee, a body that oversees everything from the confirmation of ambassadors to treaty relationships with various countries. The author highlights several important events that confronted him while he sat on this committee, including the Weld controversy, the Panama Canal giveaway imbroglio, and the tensions between China and Taiwan. He makes no apologies for taking tough stands on issues. In fact, he takes pleasure in the fact that his opposition dumped so much scorn upon him! A man knows he's being faithful to his principles, claims Helms, when his enemies go nuts trying to stop him. That's a fairly refreshing position to take in an age when most politicians twist like the wind to avoid the slightest whiff of controversy.
   
   Helms's book doesn't feel like a typical political memoir. It's short, for one thing, and he moves over material quite fast. He sums up his various political campaigns in as few pages as possible because he never liked the process candidates go through to raise lots of money. Again, this feels alien to the typical political autobiography wherein the author relates every minute detail describing their run for office. The best thing going for "Here's Where I Stand" is Helms's sense of humor, both about others (that anecdote about Strom Thurmond is hilarious) and about himself. It's difficult to think of Helms without recalling the images of him glowering on television, or making "statements" that supposedly confirmed his intractable brand of conservatism. All of that was obviously a media invention. The Jesse Helms in this book is a man who likes all sorts of people, even liberals who opposed him, and a man who likes to laugh. Check out the picture of him with Madeleine Albright! Funny stuff, I say, and a picture that does much to dispel the myths propagated by the media for far too long. Heck, even Bono of U2 fame likes Jesse Helms. According to the author, they still keep in touch today.
   
   I did have a few problems with the book, mainly centering on Helms's unabashed support of President George W. Bush. He calls our current president a conservative, and I'm not sure that label is appropriate. After all, Bush obviously doesn't believe in many bread and butter issues precious to the conservative mindset. His reckless spending policies and his fear of the veto pen doesn't make a lot of sense to most card-carrying members of the GOP. This disagreement aside, "Here's Where I stand" should find a place on every the reading list of every Republican. I wish Jesse Helms the best in his retirement and thank him for his years of public service.



4. It is an abysmal shame that so many people will never read this book because of the misconceptions they have been fed about Senator Jesse Helms. The bogeyman hiding under the liberal bed wears Senator Helms' distinctive owlish glasses and speaks with a soothing drawl. That image was created by liberals as they struggled desperately and in vain to smear a thoroughly honest and decent man through five (count `em) election campaigns.
   Here's Where I Stand is Senator Helms chance to set the record straight and he succeeds admirably. He gives a detailed accounting of his values and positions. Perhaps more importantly, he addresses the villainous lies that have been spread against him over the years by the liberal media.
   Senator Helms was 51 years old when he was first elected to the U.S. Senate in 1972. He had already been a successful businessman and journalist; had served his country in uniform and on the staff of Senator Willis Smith. In 2001, at 80, Senator Helms considered running for a sixth term but was gently encouraged to retire by his family and close friends. The left will howl with vicious glee when Senator Helms succumbs to age as they did when Ronald Reagan passed from this life. It is to his great credit that he was able to complete his memoirs before age robbed him of his sharp intellect and lifetime of honorable memories.
   Students writing biographies of political figures in today's climate will know intuitively that the easy "A" will come from a study of Hubert Humphrey or Paul Wellstone. A biography of Senator Helms, flawlessly written will earn them a lower grade and a semester of scorn and derision. But their careful research of the most liberal political figures will keep leading them back to references to Senator Helms who sought always to build productive working relationships with his ideological opposites. They will benefit from his wisdom and hopefully begin to doubt the tie-dyed dogmas of the apparatchiki. As years roll by and fashions change, scholars will dust off Here's Where I Stand and see a portrait of one of the last great Citizen Senators. We'll not see his like again and it is our great loss.



5. Regardless of what you think about Senator Helms, he tells it like it is in "Here's Where I Stand". Personally, I like the senator and voted for him at least twice because he does indeed represent true North Carolina values.
   
   As earlier reviewers have mentioned the liberal media have so vehemently attacked the senator on being a conservative, that many Americans view him as being vicious and intolerant. Quite the contrary! Senator Helms (unlike many politicians) is a principled man who knows where he stands and has been able to work with people of different political persuasions without compromising his basic core principles.
   
   The book is a series of stories from the senator himself concerning:
   
   1. His early childhood and career that eventually led him into politics.
   2. His mainly positive relationships with minorities and people of other political and cultural backgrounds.
   3. Where he stands on particular issues and what actions he took on them.
   4. Relationships with presidents and other senators and what he thought of them.
   5. Experiences on the various committees he served on while a senator.
   6. His retirement years.
   7. His close family relationships and friendships.
   8. His election campaigns.
   
   I heartily recommend the book to anyone who would like to know more about the person known as "Senator No" during his terms in Washington D.C. Whether or not like you like Senator Helms, you will have to admit that you will respect his candor and clarity on political stances. He clearly states what his stances are on issues and also why he believes as he does.
   
   Read and enjoy! Recommended.

5 comments about Write it When I'm Gone.

1. There are descriptions galore on this book already, I just wanted to add that this was a "can't put it down" book for me also. I was in my early teens when Watergate was coming down. I had no idea just that Ford was such a principled man but also had the ability to get to the heart of a matter in few words and in most cases with no malice. As I was reading the last couple of chapters I felt like I'd really missed out by having neven known this man. He may not have been a Lincoln but he was certainly one Ford that never needed to be recalled. What a great read!!



2. This audio book far exceeded my expectations. The reader is very talented and the story is so honest. You come to realize that Gerald Ford was quite the public servant, leader and consumate gentleman. I highly recommend as it brought so much history to my own experiences.



3. A wonderful read about a good and great man. If only this country had more such men, then maybe there would not be the huge political schism in Washington today. Ford was a healer, who could be bipartisan and establish a rapport with his political enemies. Maybe, that was because he had no real enemies, and many on both side respected him for what he was: a smart, honest politician who did not have a huge ego.
   
   In this short book, DeFrank shows that Ford was really who he said he was. He loved the Republican Party and would not tear it apart for his personal ambition. He loved his country and tried to find common cause with some polical opponents like Carter and Clinton. He loved his home city of Grand Rapids, Michigan. He was like most people: an average man thrust into the leadership of the free world.
   
   This is a nice read about a true American Gerald R. Ford. His presidential service was short and his life long, but he made a difference in American political life. DeFrank captures the true spirit of Jerry Ford.



4. Who ever knew that Gerald Ford could be so interesting? I read over 70 pages in just the first day I got it and did not want to put it down. This is not a straightforward biography for a change-there are plenty of those out there. This is personal insight into a man that rarely let us see that side of him. He was a man of good morals, was extremely intelligent, and if you can get past the whole Nixon pardon, he really did deserve a second term in office. Even though his presidency was short, those were some very interesting times and Gerald Ford was a big part of bringing the country back together after Watergate and Vietnam. It is great to have the authors perspective of traveling with him for so many years and interviewing him, and even building a friendship with President Ford. You feel like you are along for the ride. I am glad I purchased this as it is a totally different kind of political book than anything else I have ever read. It is an easy and quick read, and I HIGHLY recommend it to anyone interested in US history and/or the Office of The President. My only wish was that it was longer- did not want to get through it so quick !!!!



5. I dove in to this book expecting new and exciting revelations only to find.. not so much. Yes, it was interesting to learn what Jerry Ford really thought about his fellow Presidents (especially Reagan), but where are the bombshells?
   
   It was obvious that Mr. DeFrank admired Mr. Ford greatly. I too remember the healing effect Ford had on the country after Watergate and admire him. However, this author did not have enough material for an entire book. Redundancies abound. The same sentence often appears in different chapters. His description of the pivotal meeting with (then) Vice President Ford appears verbatim several times throughout the book.
   
   If this had been an article in a magazine, I could have rated it higher. Even without any real revelations.

No comments about Golden Bones: An Extraordinary Journey from Hell in Cambodia to a New Life in America.

5 comments about Fidel Castro: My Life: A Spoken Autobiography.

1. This review is an introduction to parts of Chapters 10 and 11 of Fidel Castro's spoken autobiography by Ignacio Ramonet. Following its First Section, the Second Section consists of four questions which Ignacio Ramonet asks Castro, and Fidel's answers to them. These questions and answers concern occurrences within Cuba after the triumph of the Revolutionary War on December 31, 1959, and prior to April 17, 1961.
   
   The book moves from Cuba's internal affairs to its international affairs in Chapter 12. My view is that with the US-sponsored Bay of Pigs invasion on April 17, 1961, even formerly "internal matters" in Cuba inevitably took on "international aspects." The invasion violated Cuba's sovereignty and hence the UN Charter, and thereafter the world, at least outside America, entertained no doubts regarding the lengths to which the US would go to overthrow Cuba's revolutionary government.
   
   First Section.
   
   The most impressive thing to me about the first nine chapters of Ramonet's book is how understandably Castro conveys the fact that the Cuban Revolutionary War eschewed terrorism (defined as executing captured, non-uniformed combatants or using random violence against civilians.) Fidel considered such terrorism immoral, but more to the point, he considered it immoral because unnecessary. Terrorism would have been highly counter-productive where the soil for revolution vis-à-vis the imperialistic United States was seeded more widely and far earlier than in Vietnam, for example -- where the Vietcong did employ terrorism in a war against an invasion by America essentially indistinguishable from its unprovoked attack on Iraq in 2003.
   
   Similarly, Fidel invoked Che Guevarra's medical skills (and those of other revolutionary soldiers as the revolution gained momentum) to treat wounded Batista soldiers on the battlefield, once the non-fatally wounded revolutionary soldiers were evacuated or cared for. And not infrequently, these cared-for Batista forces, after returning to health, joined the revolutionary forces in the war against Batista.
   
   Chapter 1 is an introduction by the book's author, and it should be read first and carefully by anyone largely ignorant of the facts regarding Cuba since 1953, which is to say by 99.9% of all living Americans. Chapters 2 through 4 concern Fidel's childhood and growing political awareness, before 1953. Then after a brief philosophical diversion in Chapter 5, The Backdrop of the Revolution, Chapters 6 through 9 mainly describe the revolutionary war in Cuba from July 26, 1953, to December 31, 1959. These four chapters are simply riveting, and no one can read them without astonishment at how close, twice, Fidel and his inner core of revolutionaries came to being wiped out. But finally and most important for non-Cubans interested in understanding the Cuban Revolution, Chapters 6 through 9 hammer home the fact that the revolutionary war was just that: A War. And as such, it was an exercise in military, to repeat military, genius and leadership on Fidel's part and on the part of his soldiers.
   
   Second Section.
   
   THE DEMONSTRATION EXECUTIONS. Q. When the war ended, you and your followers had promised to bring to trial and eventually put to death members of Batista's repressive forces, and you created `revolutionary tribunals' that carried out a purge that many observers characterized as excessive. Do you think that was a mistake? (p 220.)
   
   A. I think the error (was) in ... allowing the proceedings to be attended by a great number of our countrymen....But I'd been in Venezuela (in 1952) ... and (I knew that) ... (w)hen Machado fell, (his) people were dragged through the streets; there were lynchings, houses were invaded and attacked, people sought vengeance, revenge....(W)e ... did not want to see ... personal vengeance (in 1960 in Cuba)....
   
   DISCRIMINATION AGAINST HOMOSEXUALS. Q. One of (the) criticisms...against the Revolution was that...there ... were internment camps that homosexuals were sent to, locked up and repressed. What can you tell me about that subject? (p 222.)
   
   A. There was no persecution of homosexuals, or internment camps for homosexuals .... (However) ... (o)bligatory military service was instituted... (Reviewer's note: with three exceptions: educational deferments, conscientious objectors, and homosexuals.) ... Homosexuals were not called up (because) ... machismo was ... very much present in our society, and ... rejection of the idea of homosexuals ... in the military (was widespread).
   
   (We created) Military Units to Aid Production ... we tried to raise the morale of people ... sent to the camps, (to) present them with an opportunity to work, to help the country in those difficult times" ... (But) I can't deny that there were prejudices ... (that) homosexuals were most certainly the victims of discrimination ... Today a much more civilized, more educated population is gradually overcoming those prejudices.
   
   DISCRIMINATION AGAINST THE BLACK POPULATION. Q. Did you have to fight, too, against discrimination against the black population (p227)?
   
   A. For us revolutionaries, fighting racial discrimination has been a sacred principle.
   
   THE MIAMI CUBANS. Q. ... against Cuba, Washington was able to tap anti-revolutionary Cubans for help? (p256)
   
   A. That's right. Listen, I'm going to tell you something: ... many of those who were involved in terrorist activities were not actually planning to ... bring ... down the Revolution....
   
   (Many of the rich and privileged who left Cuba and abandoned their homes and ... everything - it's not that we expelled them and took their homes away - they said: "This will last four or five months, how long can a revolution last in this country?")
   
   But the counter-revolutionaries also had the conviction ... that their despicable cause would win out in the end ... (because their fight was joined with that of the United States) ... They expected the United States to step in and bring the Revolution down.
   
   (This review will be continued)



2. This is the same man who after gaining power outlawed the possession of HIS OWN BOOK "La Historia Me Absolvera". Why? Well, because everything was basically a lie, an opportunistic farce. This was the same man who orchestrated a rebellion against a corrupt president and promised the reestablishment of clean elections after four years of gaining power. Yes, the same man. The same man that took the most affluent, fastest growing, and developed nation in the Caribbean also containing the highest middle class per-capita in Latin America, and totally ruined and destroyed it in the most capricious and pathetic way ever seen and then calls it paradise. The same man, who forces poverty on people and by the way is a billionare.
   
   After half a century of being a farce holding himself in power by extreme stalinist oppression and intervention into the minimums aspects of peoples lives, state slavery, and forcefully pimping Cuba as a Soviet satellite nation; should this book written by the man himself carry much weight now after 50 years OF THE SAME? Do we not know who he is, even better than how he (an egomaniac) could know himself and definitely want to perseave himself? Is half a century of careless destruction, cemented corruption, and slavery not enough?
   
   Is more, why should we in the capitalistic world be buying the book of a man who in his own slaved system prohibits free publishings and freedom of press. Even more, this book brings him monetary profit from the capitalist market. Why should we buy from a man who in his own slaved state prohibits private property, private business, and monetary freedoms.
   
   Today he's trash of accomplices are still in power thanks to the miserables of Canada and western Europe who dedicated themselves to maintain his cancerous presence over Cuba after the fall of the USSR, and later came the other wacko commi of H.Chavez to finance him even better at the expense of the Venezuelan economy. Rather read the books by Humberto Fontova on the matter, tremendous books, you will really know who Castro is after that.



3. Fidel Castro will always divide opinions and some people will think this autobiography "self-serving." But which autobiography isn't self-serving in taht it puts the writer's views across from his own perspective? And which anti-Castro exile in Miami doesn't express self-serving opinions? And is our own Government's constant anti-Castro propaganda not also self-serving?
   For me then this book isn't propaganda by Castro but at worst counter-propaganda. And for that I recommend it as a definite buy.
   As other reviewers have commented it's the insights from Castro's perspective rather than the American one that make this book so interesting.
   Castro is a great man whether you like him or not. A visionary who didn't allow his country to be intimidated by the States like so many other Latin American countries. Bottom line: with Castro Cuba is still an interesting nation with a soul. Without him it would be just another Reno or Las Vegas.



4. Fidel is a fascinating man and very controversial figure, to say the least. When you look at how long he has been in power, it is absolutely amazing. So it is nice to finally be able to read about events and ideas from his perspective in his own words. And don't skip the Notes in the back of the book that further explain his comments. These fill in a lot of blanks.
   
   In this interview/autobiography, Castro makes a lot of valid points. Their literacy and health care on the island, and their medical assistance to other countries is commendable. Plus, it is a colossal feat to withstand an embargo for almost 50 years by the "evil empire", the most powerful country in the world.
   
   The US was so paranoid about the spread of communism, that it was intent on destroying the revolution that freed Cuba of Batista, just as the US intervened in Chile and Guatemala by assassinating Allende and Arbenz. Documents even support Castro in the numerous attempts on his life and the US's involvement in undermining the Cuban government, and even harboring terrorists acting against Cuba.
   
   The explanations of the Bay of Pigs and the "Cuban Missile Crisis" alone make the book worth reading.



5. Though it feels like something of an awkward format for what is intended as the REAL word on Fidel Castro, and even though it will more than likely still be a very long time before we can really sum up the era of this man's Cuba, one alas must try to. This was after all one of history's most truly dynamic eras, one that changed not only the life of Cuba but of the world.
   
   He may come off tacit and allusive at times, but he observes the major events of his life and history with remarkable aplomb, and very rarely contradicts himself.
   
   When speaking about the development of his interest in politics during his University student days he explains how his original utopian ideas led to the firmer ground of Marxism as the scientific formula for the emancipation and liberation of all people... "Marxism taught me what society was. I was like a blindfolded man in a forest, who doesn't even know where north or south is. If you don't eventualy come to truly understand the history of the class struggle, or at least have a clear idea that society is divided between the rich and the poor, and that some people subjugate and exploit other people, you're lost in a forest not knowing anything."
   
   Even more politically moderate readers will be surprised at his encyclopedic knowledge of history, in particuular that of his native island, and all of Latin America, and his attempts to explain the TRUE ethics behind the egalitarian society he inspired so many people to aspire for. He observes that "As in all Western thought, Marti's philosophy contains a certain amount of Christian ethics" and the idea that even with the teachings of Christ you can "formulate a radical Socialist programme, whether you're a believer or not."
   
   He calmly and even logically explains his justification for mounting a guerrilla uprising to take state power rather than the long-broken electoral process in Cuba, and the summary trials and executions of traitors in their midst during those adrenaline-pumping days in the Sierra Maestra. He points out that "At that time, with a war being fought, it was unavoidable and it was effective, because from then on... a tradition has been created. And an ethics was born out of it: total respect for the populace."
   
   Answering the criticisms about his alliance with the former Soviet Union during this time of Cold War politics, he refers to the innumerable attempts by the "neighbor to the North" to sabotage this little island's right to self-determination. Objective and subjective factors accelerated the revolutionary process.
   
   Where his critics want so very badly for the ailing Castro to come off like a dogmatic dinosaur, a relic from history no longer of any significance, what you instead find is an idealistic, truly passionate and cultured human being, one who vigorously denounces the accuastions that a "cult of personality" exists in Cuba, and instead points to the patriotic fervor that runs through the island standing up to the great Goliath for all these years. And convincingly at that. He admits even that "the most difficult, most important fight that anyone with power faces is the fight against himself." Astounding coming from the man so oft-portrayed in the role of tyrannical dictator.
   
   "I work from the position of a tremendous confidence that this human being, with all his defects and limitations, has enough smarts, if you will, to preserve himself," Castro states, "and has enough intelligence to improve himself. If I didn't believe that, there'd be no reason to fight to the death."
   
   He interprets capitalism as "the creator of all sorts of germs," and Socialism as a society in which not necessarily are you devoid of those germs of corruption, but you rail against them harder and on a broader level, through a propaganda of education i.e. planting values and rigorously promoting them.
   
   What Western so-called "democracy" advocates call political repression, the Cuban government sees as stopping acts of treason from forces attempting to break the people's will. And its fairly common knowledge the long list of overt and covert attempts by imperialism to do just that for all these decades. Fidel announces "All we need as justification is that exactly that sort of felony has been perpetuated against us in the past."
   
   He answers 'freedom of press' critics with "our dream is of another freedom of the press, of a country that is educated and informed, of a country that has a holistic general culture and communicate with the world". One need only watch a couple hours of American television, whether news or entertainment, to realize how much culture digresses and decays in a capitalist society. Maybe there are no erroneous truths, but Fidel is right on much more than a few points in this book.
   
   "Socialism is constructed by free men who want to make a new society," he says. Thereby it is an instrument of liberation when weilded by a like-minded people. And force imposed is justifiable when used to keep a long-exploited people's will from being divided.
   
   As I said from the start, I don't think there can yet be a final word on the Castro era in Cuba today. Fidel is someone who will have to be judged by long history, the character of his and Cuba's work will grow clearer as it recedes from view. Build, resist, or be destroyed by the invading tentacles of imperialism.
   
   As Che Guevara famously said "The revolution is not an apple that falls when it is ripe. You have to make it fall." That is the current of thought that runs through the revolutionaries of the Cuban Revolution and its era on the world stage. And in here lies the foundations of a world that the militant working class dream of. A world where every human being, through the unity of diversity, can stretch out their hands to one another and heal, and work together for a better world.

5 comments about Franklin and Winston: An Intimate Portrait of an Epic Friendship.

1. Well, while Winston and Franklin might not have been best friends forever, it certainly is refreshing and enlightening to see this aspect of WW2 given such detail. The book is rife with quotes from direct corespondences as well as excerpts from various diaries of those surrounding these two titans. Jon Meacham does an excellent job with this book and really makes learning about these two enjoyable. While not a complaint, it is worth noting that this is NOT a history of WW2 and you should probably know the basics before diving in because Meacham jumps forward and glosses over major points, but this best serves his main focus: Churchill and Roosevelt.



2. Jon has done a splendid job of bringing to life these two titans of world history. The relationship of these two men are recreated with a detail to personal traits and their crumbling world around them. This book has been pivotal in enhancing a better understanding of both men, and particularly how Franklin D. Roosevelt, albeit his duplicity and guile, was crucial in the fight against the evil Axis powers.
   
   Some have criticized FDR for those white lies, yet those lies and actions secured success for a slumbering nation that would have remained set in their isolationist ways, and would have certainly fallen victim to Hitler's death machine if America followed their own self interest and avoided conflict. Roosevelt was clairvoyant enough to understand the threat and coddle America's misguided sentiments and turn it into action, action that made America the clear world leader it became. A magnificent book of a magnificent man, along with his strong-willed partner Winston. Mecham's treatment of both men is sound and extremely admirable. Highly recommended.



3. This well written but superficial survey of the FDR/Churchill relationship, is most disappointing. For anyone who has read independently about FDR and about Churchill, there is nothing new here, no interesting new facts, no interesting new insights. Unfortunately, this felt like a book written just to write a book. It is possible, I suppose, that for a reader entirely ignorant about WWII and the role of the two English speaking leaders, there may be some value here.



4. These were this century's two most powerful wetern leaders. One had already dragged his country out a terrible financial morass and was faced with a looming conflict which would have terrible consequences for the world. The other had served honorably in opposition to appeasements offered up by misguided politicans more eager to avoid conflict than to stave off War. It was a time of giants. This book helps us understand how these two giants related, the one to the other.



5. Knowing how WWII was one of the greatest upheavals of human history, I've been a buff for years and recommend this great book to all who are also fascinated by this period. Getting a "behind the scenes" glimpse of world events is a special treat; theirs was truly a unique relationship and one arrives at a better understanding thanks to this excellent use of source materials and narrative, by Jon Meacham. I hated to come to the end of the marvelous book.

5 comments about Witness.

1. Ask a group of graduate students, "who was Whittaker Chambers", and the answers range from blank stares to vague memories of someone associated with the witch hunt for communists in the US Government. One of a hundred might remember that the man he accused of being a communist agent was found guilty of perjury, Alger Hiss. As a high ranking official of the Roosevelt administration Hiss was very involved in the tragedy of postwar Europe, the forced return of peoples to the territories now controlled by the Soviet Union and in the formation of the United Nations.
   
   Only decades after the hysterical defenders of Hiss, Rosenberg and others have passed from the stage have serious academic researchers accepted the reality that yes, there was a large group of communists within the United States government and at the top level of the nation's nuclear program.
   
   Surprisingly to many Chambers' involvement in the historic conflict was not related to his position as a senior editor of Time Magazine but rather to a much earlier time when he was the editor of the letters to the editor of the Daily Worker, the magazine of the American Communist party.
   
   Chambers leaves us with an incredibly eloquent autobiography of his travel through these troubled times. The book is a worthwhile acquisition for its introduction alone which is in the form of a letter to his children. Chambers captures the void felt by so many dedicated young people as they leave their parents and complete their higher education. In Chambers' case it was during the turbulent years of the depression when everything relating to our form of government and economic foundation was brought into question.
   
   The author believed he had found his calling in the Communist Party of the USA along with so many other intellectuals. Contrary to the predictions of Marx and others the Party's recruits came largely from the most privileged campuses, not from the most struggling workers both here and in Europe. The struggle that ripped though the movement in the 1930's culminating with Stalin's liquidation of thousands of "unreliable" party members including Trotsky, shook Chambers' faith to the point of his departure from the party.
   
   Chambers's, aware of the many Communist Party faithful working in the Roosevelt administration, attempted a quiet approach to the government and only after 5+ years of its refusal to respond did he take the story public. That triggered famous Chambers / Hiss showdown in the Congressional hearings.
   
   Witness is important as a historical work and a treasure as a personal journal of a man of tremendous conflict, intellect, literary skills and courage. Highly recommended.



2. Witness is among the most haunting books that I have ever read. The reader who picks it up expecting only a combination spy story and courtroom drama is likely to be as profoundly surprised as was I.
   
   I had somewhat absent-mindedly placed Witness on my birthday gift list, in deference to the frequency with which it is cited as one of the indispensable political books of the 20th century. Upon receipt, I assigned it to the "to-read" stack, failing to note that it was a daunting 800 pages long. Shortly after I began it and realized its length, I feared it would prove too dense for me to enjoy. How wrong I was: when I at last closed the book a couple of weeks later, I knew that it would haunt me, possibly for all the years I have left.
   
   Many conservatives regard this book as a seminal founding charter, a characterization that not only underrates its literary quality, but which also erects a needless barrier before others who would appreciate it. This book is must-reading, regardless of political persuasion. I myself differ from Chambers in several fundamental ways: I am as predisposed to optimism as he was to pessimism; I relished elementary school as greatly as he was tormented by it; and I do not share his religious faith. But these and other differences do not inhibit a reader from appreciating this magnificent book.
   
   This book not only tells a riveting story, it does so with a poetic, melancholy beauty reminiscent of a great Russian novelist. Something about his writing reminded me of Nabokov (an inexact comparison, given that the style exhibits none of Nabokov's exuberant, puckish wordplay). But Chambers's fluid, graceful sentences, and his gift for reconstruction of sensory and emotional states, are comparable to those of the brilliant Russian emigre. Suffice it so say that this book does not read like a bestselling memoir, but rather as a great work of literature.
   
   The story of Witness is of a man originally alienated from his society, and of his struggle to find good and meaning in his world. Chambers's account of his early life is deeply saddening. One suspects that the entire family was genetically predisposed to depression, considering his brother's suicide, the narrator's own similar attempts, and his parents' many self-destructive actions.
   
   Attending school only accentuated young Vivian's (later Whittaker's) sense of isolation. One story he relates is hard to forget: on one of his first school days, he witnessed three boys urinating on a lollipop, and then tricking a later-arriving fourth boy into putting it into his mouth. (The incident itself is gloomy enough; equally so is the fact that Chambers later remembered it as emblematic of his school experience.) Young Chambers is traumatized by the pervasive cruelty around him. He struggles through the ordeal of school - the mockery of his name Vivian, the taunts of being a "sissy," and being compelled to fight.
   
   One is hardly surprised that such an alienated, secretly intelligent, unappreciated youth, convinced of the intractable injustice of the world, would be seduced by communism. In the central section of the book, Chambers details his gradual descent into that world, first as an open party communist, later as a practitioner in espionage. It is in this section that he meets Alger Hiss, and collaborates with him in betraying his country.
   
   This middle section of the book is probably the most arduous reading. At points, many of the figures and spy escapades seem to all run together. But stick with it, because the final 300 pages or so, detailing the Hiss case, are among the most gripping you will ever read.
   
   Chambers at some point realizes that the actions and amorality of communist agitation offend his still-living conscience. He finally responds to that conscience, and begins a further personal journey to where he locates the spiritual comfort he previously lacked: in truth, in family, in working the land, and in religious faith.
   
   Ultimately, Chambers's break with the party compels him to inform on Alger Hiss and others during a Congressional investigation of communist infiltration of the executive branch. Chambers chooses his title of "Witness" advisedly, meaning "witness" in quite the literal, religious sense - a moral compulsion to testify to what he knows, in spite of the danger to himself, in order to help save the world around him. Indeed, Chambers is convinced that he is defecting from the winning to the losing side when he makes his break, but feels he cannot rightly do otherwise.
   
   Popular memory of this period in American history has been, unfortunately, blurred by the excesses of Joe McCarthy. McCarthy's crude and reckless actions have made him a convenient whipping boy for subsequent Hollywood treatments of the Cold War. It is too little remembered that prior to the McCarthy debacle, it was revealed that in fact, there were many communists who had ensconced themselves in the highest levels of the American government, where they practiced a treasonous espionage. The Chambers-Hiss case, much more than the buffoonery of McCarthy, is the truly dramatic and relevant parable of the age.
   
   Much of the final chapters of Witness is told through transcripts of the Congressional hearings. Reading them, one can only wish for a skilled Hollywood treatment of these scenes. The events included every dramatic turn one could hope for - the steady unraveling of a senior State Department official as his lies are exposed on the witness stand, the relentless and skilled probing of Congressional investigators, dramatic personal confrontations, the discovery of critical evidence midway through the proceedings, and even the secreting of classified material in a hollowed-out pumpkin.
   
   What is sobering to realize is that the case would be likely to play out in much the same way today: the press reflexively sided with the urbane, politically-approved Hiss, while the slovenly, seemingly-shady Chambers was subjected to every calumny imaginable. But it turned out that it was the schlub who was actually the man of intelligence and integrity. Appearances are often deceiving.
   
   One thing that leaps out from these pages after the fact is just how pathetically incompetent a liar was Alger Hiss. You follow him weaving and revising and hedging, and not very convincingly. But so blinding were the ascendant political assumptions of the time that he was the one who was initially believed.
   
   One needn't share Chambers's views on politics, religion, or even of the mind of the typical communist subversive, to find his memoir to be a story of surpassing poetry and haunting resonance. Few people have had such an important story to tell in their memoirs, and almost none have told them so lyrically. Few are the books that are virtually impossible to forget. This is one.



3. I read this book when it was first published. I was fourteen or fifteen and in high school. It made a profound impact on me. Besides being beautifully written, its tale of a man who leaves what he calls the winning side (Communism) and joins the losing side (God) in the great conflict of the 20th Century influenced the course of my life.
   
   I am now 69 and still have memories of reading Chambers' autobiography. I became a lifelong anti-Communist even before I became a conservative. I come from a family of blue-collar Irish Democrats but even at a young age felt the call of the other party and when I registered to vote at age 21, I immediately registered as a Republican.
   
   Read this book and be astounded (as I was) about Chamber's life first as an overt Communist writing for the Daily Worker and then as an underground Communist working with cells in our nation's capital. We meet Alger Hiss and other important figures in the Roosevelt administration who led other lives as traitors and spies for the USSR. Doubtful as to those individuals? Then read the many books chronicling the findings in the Soviet archives after the fall of the Soviet Union (the Venona Project).
   
   My only regret is that Whittaker Chambers did not live to see the collapse of the USSR. He would have been pleased.



4. This reads like a great spy novel, but (of course) it is true. After one has finished the last page there is a feeling of loss ... where are giants like Chambers these days?



5. During a recent vacation, I was able to finish reading Whittaker Chambers' startling eight hundred page autobiography, "Witness". And I must say that I feel both well informed and somewhat disturbed by the experience. Perhaps I may be allowed to explain.
   
   Whittaker Chambers is the name finally employed by the very strange character, born as Jay Vivian Chambers. This man was raised by a rather odd set of parents, his father, a failed artist and bisexual, and his mother, a never launched actress. Now despite the failings of his parents at their chosen professions, they nevertheless had the audacity to look down upon their economic peers, among whom the Chambers boys grew up. And, though much of the personal information included in the early chapters of this book, relative to Chambers' formative years, is excruciatingly boring, it is also instructive.
   
   Chambers was a diffident, slovenly young man, though evidently somewhat gifted academically. As a consequence, he was able to gain admission to Columbia University. There, his academic career was singularly unsuccessful. First expelled for publishing a blasphemous play about Jesus Christ, he later returned, but was unable to complete his basic degree. With this, we see a very odd, but recurrent aspect of Chambers' unique personality. Though unable to complete even a bachelor's degree, due to lack of discipline, he had the audacity to style himself as an intellectual. He began then, as his parents had done before him, to sneer condescendingly at those more disciplined and accomplished than he was. And, finally, he found a rationale for his rejection of discipline and orthodoxy in the writings of Marx and Lenin. Chambers became then a "dedicated" Marxist.
   
   Our "hero" then went to work for a number of Marxist journals, and pursued a deviant lifestyle. Finally, he joined, quite willingly, the communist underground, and became an asset of Soviet intelligence. In this role, Chambers recruited numerous government officials, including the noteworhty Alger Hiss, and was associated with such men as Soviet agent and US Treasury Department official Harry Dexter White.
   
   The cowardly Chambers eventually "broke" with communism, ostensibly on the occassion of the Soviet Union's treaty with Nazi Germany. In any case, Chambers then turned on his former colleagues. This turncoat behavior of the traitor brought him finally before the House Committee on Un-American Activities, and enabled him to establish a strange professional relationship with a hard charging young congressman on that committee, Richard Nixon of California.
   
   Having charged Hiss, and others, with that which he had been guilty of, being a communist, Chambers spent years as a cooperating government witness. Hence, we have the title of this book. In a stunning admission in this, his autobiography, Chambers allows that he perjured himself before a grand jury on the question of whether he had personal knowledge of espionage activity done in the United States on behalf of the Soviet Union. Hiss was later convicted of perjury on essentially the same set of facts. But Chambers was spared conviction, as a cooperating government witness.
   
   Given the above, it is stunning that the bisexual, cowardly, and deceitful Chambers has become a hero of the American "right". But perhaps this represents an essential aspect of the dialectical materialism of the "left/right" dichotomy of top level American politics. The despicable Chambers "broke" with communism. Hiss, equally despicable, never renounced this hideous ideology. American "conservatives" have since made a fetish of comparing Chambers to Hiss. To this reader, this comparison appears rather like trying to determine which is the taller of two midgets.
   
   Despite the above, the book is worth reading. It is overly long and terribly turgid. And the author is surely no hero. But the history contained within this account is well worth knowing.

5 comments about The Faiths of the Founding Fathers.

1. David Holmes writes a very informative study regarding the religious beliefs of America's Founding Fathers. He examines this diverse eclectic group in a opened balance perspective. Today there is a desire to better understand the relationship between the founding of America and the influence that Christianity played within that founding. This has been made apparently clearer as the religious right and the liberal left want to place the Founding Fathers into their respective camps and use them to make some political statement. Holmes reveals the religious views of several of the leading Founding Fathers. He shows that men such as Washington, Adams, Franklin, Jefferson, Madison and Monroe were more Deist in action and thought than orthodox Christian. These early US Presidents maintained a low religious profile during their presidency and didn't advocate personal religious beliefs upon the new nation. The influence of the Enlightenment from Bacon, Locke and Newton were spreading a new school of religious thought called Deism throughout England and into the Colonies. Having come from Europe where church and crown were extremely intertwined, the Founding Fathers had no strong desires to continue this tradition. As the First Great Awakening was growing into American's belief system, the foundations were beginning to be laid for a Nation to be built upon religious freedoms and personal liberties. Throughout history there have been individually great men and women, but at no time has there been found together, in one place and time, this collection of the truly wise and noble men such as the founding fathers. Men that "appeared less devout than they really were"..and "valued freedom of conscience and despised religious tyranny." It is near impossible to understand or even know an individuals private religious thinking. The best possible way of understanding this is, as Holmes shows, is by their writings and the lives they lived. Holmes' book challenges us to remember that the founding fathers were remarkable, even noble men and that we need to keep their background and ethos in proper perspective.
   
   This book gives an informative look at the men and the religious feelings that were spreading throughout America during this remarkable period. Holmes reveals to us the great and noble men who laid life, liberty, and property on the altar of freedom and never apostatized from it. Well worth the read and addition to the history shelf.



2. A concise primer on the faiths of our nation's founders. Fair assessments, avoiding any kind of dogmatic revisionism (be it evangelical or secular). Holmes deals with each figure individually, avoiding sweeping claims, and appreciating nuances. Avoid Meacham's _American Gospel_; it is simply an amalgam of anecdotes with no thesis other than "America has a public religion" driven over and over again. Stick with Dr. Holmes!



3. Shortly after Washington's death, certain writers began trying to depict him as a devout orthodox Christian. Mason Weem's book of 1800 was representative of this group and was reprinted regularly with newly added tales about Washington the pious man of prayer. The memorable story about the cherry tree came in the fifth edition in 1806 but the disreputable Weems was easily discredited. Jefferson, Madison, and many others disputed all these efforts. "Sir, he was a Deist," one of Washington's pastors declared upon discussion of the question.
   
   Franklin and the first five presidents were All Deists, a minimalist religious belief system without an organized hierarchy that sprouted from the Enlightenment. For the straight story about their beliefs and the varied Christian denominations of the colonies, this book can't be beat.
   
   The excellent reviews already on this site say it all. I'll just add that "Faiths of the Founding Fathers" is well organized, authoritatively researched, extensively documented, and unusually readable. History buffs and the general public will like this book.
   
   DB



4. This book was very well written. The author made the case that some of the founding fathers were not necessarily Christian, but Deists. His conclusions stem from letters written to, and from, various people that had contact with them (friends, family, clergymen, etc.) - which makes sense; however, some of the author's assumptions (i.e. the language the "fathers" used in writing and speeches) about how they referred to God (the Almighty, Nature's God, etc.) is not necessarily the best way to prove that the founding fathers were not Christian.
   
   It certainly shed some light, although not definitive, on the faiths of our founding fathers and their families.



5. David Holmes seems to be on a mission to disqualify our Founding Fathers as Christians. He picks a few names, Washington, Jefferson, Franklin, Adams, Monroe and Madison as if these were the only ones who had any influence in our early government. Further, he wants to make each of them a Deist when, in fact, most of their writings lead to a very strong Christian base. Like any person in public office, some speeches and writings can be taken out of context and you can easily make the writer or speaker appear to be something they are not. An in depth study of any of these six men will prove they lean far more to a Christian base than Deism. In addition, Holmes leaves out more than 30 other Founding Fathers who were very strong Christians. Somehow, many authors today have a goal of trying to convince us that our country was not founded upon Christian principles. A good source to confirm our country's foundational basis is David Barton's book, "Original Intent". I think Holmes book is slanted and short on factual information.

5 comments about The Wicked Wit of Winston Churchill.

1. I received this book as a birthday gift from my lovely wife. I loved this book so much I bought is twice more as a gift for a departing superior and for a friend of 10 years. Anyone who has a love of history (particularly this era) will love this book, anyone in possession of a sense of humor will appreciate this book as well.
   
   Recommended for a quick, witty read and as a gift for anyone you know with an 'off' sense of humor. We all know someone like that, are related or married to them, or publicly disavow any association with them. Regardless, buy them or yourself (ii case its you who is openly disowned) this book.



2. 
   The wise and witty words of Winston Churchill ring throughout the 20th Century.Any that knew him personally or had anything to do with him must have waited with anticipation of hearing what he would say anytime he opened his mouth.This held true for Kings,Presidents,Generals and yes even for his family,including his grandaughter.At times, his use of silence could be as cutting
   a reply as anything he could say.No doubt, he took as much enjoyment in his words as anyone he was aiming them at.It wasn't all one way either,he seemed to love a well delivered line,even if he was the object.
   He neither claimed to be nor in fact was an'educated man',he
   was similar to Mark Twain,in that he could cut to pieces,people of much greater formal education,if they tried to engage him in 'a battle of words'.
   In his book "My Early Life" he said."It's a good thing for an
   uneducated man to read books of quotations" and described how he read "Bartlett's Quotations".It is obvious that he often used and modified others quotations.
   His friend Lord Brinkenhead quipped,"Winston has devoted the best years of his life to preparing his impromptu speeches."
   "One of Churchill's most famous speeches is that of June
   1940:'We shall fight on the beaches,we shall fight in the fields and in the streets,we shall fight in the hills...' It is said that,as he paused in the great uproar that greeted these words,Churchill muttered to a colleague next to him,'And We'll fight them with the butt ends of broken beer bottles because that's bloody well all we've got!"
   A great little book reminding us of the words of one of the great voices of the 20th Century.



3. You do have to think about many of his quips, most are very funny in a dry, perhaps a bit cynical manner. It is sometimes difficult to place his statements in the context of WW-II (I was born in 1944 and I do have a memory of that era because it was the biggest event in my parents lives - they talked about it all the time).
   
   After a session with Mr. Churchill, I often wish American politicians had a bit of his prespective (though I reall doubt they would ever get elected).



4. I am a long-time admirer of Sir Winston Churchill. As a leader he had few (if any) equals, but I have always been impressed with his sharp wit and stinging retorts. One can learn much about the man from what is found in this little book, not only from the quotes attributed to him, but also from those zingers hurled his way by friend and foe alike.
   This book is an easy read. It can be picked up for a few moments' pleasure without distracting from the greatness that is Sir Winston Churchill.



5. A good review and background of famous quotes of Churchill. It also showed him to be a good husband and sober man, despite the rumor otherwise.

5 comments about Worth the Fighting For: The Education of an American Maverick, and the Heroes Who Inspired Him.

1. John McCain is a Republican Senator of Arizona - he is currently serving his third term as Senator. This book was written in 2002. It documents his life: during the Vietnam war, after the war, and during his terms as Senator, also his 2000 bid for the Presidency. McCain offers a lot of introspect into his life and his decisions. I sometimes get upset when I see the decisions Senators and other politicians make but after reading this book I see that there are so many different types of people and special interests that politicians have to please. They are constantly walking on a thin line.
   
   McCain's father and grandfather were both members of the military. His ancestors also fought in the civil war. McCain's family has a rich history. After reading this book, I can see McCain has a deep love for this country. I liked how McCain takes accountability for his decisions and tries his best to be honest.
   
   I liked McCain's feelings about how he feels poor people fought in the Vietnam war while rich privileged kids got to stay home safe. McCain feels that this country belongs to the poor people - because they have fought all of our wars.
   
   I'm by no stretch a Republican (I am conservative though), however, if McCain was President right now - I would feel this country has an honest, patriotic American as the President. This is an inspiring book and is also well written.



2. As a long time admirer of John McCain, I wanted to read further about his life after having read "Faith of My Fathers". His first memoir chronicled the military experiences of both his father and grandfather, and the time that McCain spent in Vietnam as a prisoner of war. While that status has helped him in his political career, McCain has never used the term 'hero' to define who he is. In "Worth the Fighting For" he chronicles his career in politics, interspersing his recollections with portraits of men he has admired and whom he considers heroes.
   
   After ending his Navy career, John McCain moved to Arizona and began his assent in the political arena. He moved up the ranks to state senator and has served in that capacity for twenty plus years. His writing is candid and often almost too honest for a man still practicing politics as he recounts fights over legislation and his run for the presidential nomination. But John McCain is about laying every card on the table. He doesn't hide anything and he never shirks from anything - even if it means fighting for an issue that goes against the Republican party politics. McCain seems to be one of the rare politicians who can put partisianship aside and truly work for what is best for America and the American people. He acknowledges his triumphs, as well as his failures, painting a portrait of a man who has spent his life in service to the country he loves.
   
   An interesting blend of memoir and political science, McCain has crafted a read that extends beyond party lines. Whatever your political preference, you can admire John McCain for what he has achieved throughout his life. The title "Worth the Fighting For" is an apt description of McCain's naval and political career, but it more importantly applies to what is at stake in American politics today. For the government to truly serve the nation, there needs to be less fighting between the two main parties. And for Americans not in government to make a difference, they need to be active citizens who realize that democracy and freedom are things that are worth fighting for, (even when they come at a high price).



3. "Worth The Fighting For" is John McCain's political biography. In it he briefly discusses his naval heritage and the acquaintances he made through his father, an admiral in the U.S. Navy. He mentions his time as a POW, but most of the references to his naval career involve his service as the naval representative to the U.S. Senate.
   
   McCain does a good job at weaving tales about his heroes into his own story. Generally the book involves a section about a friend whom he admired or an historical figure on whose example he modeled his life, alternating with sections pertaining to political challenges which he has faced. Among the friends whom he discusses are Scoop Jackson, John Tower, Moe Udall, Barry Goldwater and Ted Williams. Among the historical figures he emulates are Billie Mitchell and Theodore Roosevelt and a character in the movie "Zapata."
   
   In the sections relating to his career, McCain talks about issues with which he has struggled, including the Senate Select Committee on POW-MIAs. There he became a friend and admirer of John Kerry, with whom he worked to clear the record on missing POW-MIAs and to normalize relations with Vietnam. Perhaps this was the origin of the proposed Kerry-McCain ticket. He also defended his positions on Social Security, Campaign Finance reform and the Marine deployment to Lebanon. The insight into his 2000 presidential campaign makes for interesting reading.
   
   McCain does not shirk the hard times, providing detailed explanations of the John Tower confirmation hearings and his own involvement in the Keating 5 investigation.
   
   McCain does not mince words in expressing his opinions on people with whom he comes in contact, be they other Senators, witnesses or lobbyists. He is open in discussing his own failings. In this he demonstrates a refreshing approach rarely seen in autobiographies.
   
   Through much of this work, McCain is defending and explaining his own actions. At times he seems to be more overtly self defensive than is found in many autobiographies. Is this a continuation of the "Straight Talk Express" on which he campaigned, or just another campaign biography? I will let each reader decide that for himself. I will say that it makes an interesting read of a type rarely found from active politicians. I am glad that I picked it up. I am confident that you will also.



4. When the 2008 GOP primary began, I was not a fan of McCain. I didn't dislike him. I just had a different preference. I'd always wanted to read Faith of My Fathers and read that one first. It took the reader from McCain's grandfather, to his father, and finally to McCain himself and his experience in Vietnam, where it concluded with his homecoming.
   
   This book picks up with John McCain's return home. He is atypically candid for a politician and presidential candidate. He admits faults where necessary. He takes responsibility when demanded. He defers credit where due. He takes the reader into his personal struggles, in particular the Keating 5 affair. He touches on his failed first marriage -- and takes full responsibility. The reader has the privilege of being a "fly on the wall" as McCain learns from his mentors and teachers. I can't imagine an author being much more transparent. The reader does not come away with a messianic vision of John McCain. Rather, one develops an understanding of whom he is and what influenced him. There is also much history to be learned as he explains how historical figures have influenced him in his career. I was a bit surprised by the profanity used in the book, but it's a part of who he is -- part sailor, part rebel, part patriot, part leader, part humble student, part aspiring executive, part competitor -- and full time, 100% himself.
   
   If you have an interest in politics and/or history, and want a better understanding of who this potential President of the United States is and may be as president then this is THE book. Straight from his own mouth -- warts and all -- leaving it to the reader to make their own educated decision regarding McCain's worthiness for the most powerful job in the world. You may not finish the book as a supporter -- and you may go from pro to con -- but you will have a greater respect for the man.
   
   Highly recommended.



5. This is a great book by a great man. John McCain's humor, style, and love of life are inspiring in this read. His honor, patriotism, and his words of those who have inspired him, make him one of the most inspiring public figures of his generation. He has a loving awe of what is best in America, and in ourselves.

5 comments about Barack Obama in His Own Words.

1. This is an "easy read", but very informative. I would like to see this type of publication for every candidate for public office. I finished the book in one session. I found out a lot about Obama that I did not know.



2. The previous reviewers assertion that Barack Obama is a Muslim is blatantly false! It is but one of several variants of the same tired story of twisted facts whose implication is that this good and decent man, a true shining star in American politics, is somehow intent on fooling the voting (and reading) public, sneaking into the Whitehouse, once there to don a turban and wreak havoc on the whole of Christianity and the standards of American decency it alone purports loudly to define, and itself apparently responsible for sooooooo much goodness in the world at large. What amazes me about the aforementioned ridiculous "review" is not so much that it appears here in the first place, but rather that the reviewer is obviously more willing to embrace this nonsense than to spend even a few minutes checking the facts to quickly disprove it. The book is good, the man is even better, the previous conspiracy-peddling reviewer is an idiot, and symptoms abound as Christian Nationalism is alive and well in America!



3. good book about his thoughts and gr8 book to read and to inculcate leadership skills.



4. Barack Obama In His Own Words is interesting and would be useful as a research tool for anyone writing about Obama, but it is nowhere near as interesting as his own books, all of which are insightful and fascinating.



5. This book is a good mirror into the thinking of Mr. Obama. Much of what is in the book is what he says on the campaign trail, which makes him a very credible candidate for President of the United States od America.
   
   Quotes are taken from printed and electronic media which gives one insight into his personal and political life.
   
   I would recommend this book if one wanted to have a "hard copy" of many of his words given during his political career.