5 comments about The Man Who Warned America: The Life and Death of John O'Neill, the FBI's Embattled Counterterror Warrior.

1. This is an interesting book on an unusual subject. People like John O'Neill are not usually the subjects of biographies. He wasn't anywhere near prominent enough, and that usually means that someone like O'Neill winds up being a footnote in a book about someone else. Instead, O'Neill was the FBI agent in charge of International security in New York City, and spent much of the 90s as the guy in the FBI who was the most interested in and focused on capturing Osama bin Laden. Ironically, he retired in mid-2001, and took a job as head of security at the World Trade Center. He went back into the South Tower on 9/11 and was killed when it collapsed.
   
   O'Neill, according to the author, was a complex, driven man, a visionary who was one of the first US officials to decide that Osama bin Ladin was worth watching and perhaps capturing. While his FBI career was, in terms of his job performance, impeccable, he had two major weaknesses. First, he was occasionally forgetful, and violated various FBI rules and protocols. In the mid-90s, when Louis Freeh was running the FBI, any violations were punishable, and almost certainly would have a detrimental affect on a person's career. O'Neill was once caught letting a girlfriend onto an FBI secure facility, and giving her a ride in his car. On another occasion, he lost a briefcase full of classified material that shouldn't have been out of the office. Both of these incidents impacted his career and chances for promotion. Second, he had a penchant for chasing multiple women at the same time, concealing each liason from all of his other girlfriends. When he died, each of the women was surprised to find out that there were other women in his life.
   
   Much of the book is devoted to O'Neill's pursuit of bin Ladin, especially the investigation of the bombings at the African Embassies in 1998 and the Cole bombing in 2000. While O'Neill wasn't involved directly in the Embassy bombing investigations, he was in charge of the Cole bombing investigation. However, for whatever reason he ran afoul of the local US ambassador, a woman named Barbara Bodine, who started out asserting her control of the investigation and insisting that the Yemenis were offended by O'Neill, and that only she could smoothe things over. This was before O'Neill had met any of the Yemenis yet, but she insisted it was the case. By the time the investigation concluded, Bodine was so sure that withdrawing the FBI investigators was provocative that she ordered Marine guards to keep the FBI agents in the embassy, and had to be told by her superiors at the State Department to let the agents go. After she'd been transferred back to the States and 9/11 happened, the Yemenis became more helpful, and eventually began cooperating extensively with the US. Ambassador Bodine stuck to her guns, however, and even badmouthed O'Neill in an interview after his death.
   
   You have to wonder about this part of the book. Author Weiss was a friend of O'Neill's, and he clearly sides with him against Bodine. It's difficult to see how she could justify what she did (even if O'Neill was despicable, letting her opinion of him subvert this sort of FBI investigation is inexcusable). I expect that somehow she saw through his private life in some fashion. Weiss says that she had been introduced to O'Neill in New York before she became ambassador to Yemen. Perhaps she saw him at a restaurant with a woman other than the one who was escorting him the night they were introduced to each other.
   
   Regardless, this is an interesting book, even if the author, a journalist, occasionally makes a mistake around the periphery of his story. The one I noticed was the author saying that USS The Sullivans was named for some brothers killed on a "carrier" during World War II. The Sullivan brothers were killed on USS Juneau, an Atlanta-class Light Cruiser. Other reviewers have noted mistakes on the edges of the story, but they don't (in my mind, anyway) detract from the main message of his story.



2. John O'Neill was the most dedicated member of the FBI who committed his life to fighting crime and, ultimately, terrorism. His efforts were discouraged by bureaucracy, ignorance, and the Clinton administration. Read firsthand in this book how he was so close to saving much anguish, sorrow and death in the United States but was stopped in his tracks by others too inept to acknowledge the vision he had for stopping the unfortunate acts of terrorism in New York and Yemen. The cruelest irony is that he died in the collapse of the World Trade Center towers in charge of security after he retired from the FBI due to frustration.



3. John O'Neill grew up in Atlantic City, NJ watching the FBI on TV on Sunday nights. All he ever wanted to do was be an FBI agent and serve his country. The son of working class folks who ran a taxi cab business he dedicated himself to be the finest and fulfilled his childhood dreams. Jonh went to my high-school and lived 5 minutes from where I grew up, I never knew him but after reading this fine Murray Weiss biography I feel I know him as a brother. This book will infuriate you as John O'Neill tries to warn everyone in the government of an impending doom with Bin Laden, who he studied and profiled, much to his chagrin no one listened. How ironic that after so much frustration with the FBI bureacracy and a Clinton Administration consumed by the presidents personal travails that John O'Neill resigns to take over security operations at the World Trade Center one week before 9/11. He perished in the collapse of the towers after he was safely out. He ran back in to try to save people. This book will move you, John O'Neill's story will stay with you. Did he have his own style and personal troubles, sure, but his life is what you will remember, his dedication to his job and the fact that maybe if a few more higher ups had listened to him this tragedy could have been averted. With men like this, you'll believe our country is in good hands as far as the war with terrorism is concerned. It's upper management we should be worried about.



4. John O'Neill was a problem. A bull in the china shop. He was a womanizer and he was an exceptionally poor fit at the FBI, but if we had listened to him 3000 people, including him, would not have died at the World Trade Center, the pentagon and on three airline carriers. There seems to be less and less room in America for the mavericks. This book is no white wash. It paints the man in full warts and all. But at the end of it we realize that it was this wildman who was right and all the politicians, hypocrites, sanctamonious twits and stuffed shirt beaureaucrats who drove him from the FBI,or didn't pay attention to him were wrong. The execrable Barbara Bodine who single handedly ruined his mission to Yemen comes in for special criticism. She probably still doesn't think she did anything wrong. We are becoming a silly nation. We've become obsessed with beauratic rules, political correctness on the left, phony piety on the right, and we can't get anything done anymore. Don't read this book merely as a tragedy but look it as a wake up call



5. The book is not news to anyone who reads any New York newspapers. It is a cut and paste job from ON's drinking buddy. Better reporting done by author Peter Lance. Of course, nothing written by me detracts from the dedication and true grit of John O'Neil.

5 comments about Gladstone: A Biography.

1. Gladstone was a remarkable, complicated, even enigmatic man and Jenkins does not waste our time with the sort of pop-psychology projection and junk theories that ruin so much contemporary biography. Instead, Jenkins lets the facts speak for themselves, weighting them based on their demonstrable impact on Gladstone's own life and on British society viewed from the vantage point of 100 years or more of subsequent history. Gladstone emerges through records of his actions, the memoirs of his contemporaries, and his own diary. Jenkins resists the too-common modern conceit of pretending intimate knowledge of Gladstone as if through some astral mind-meld. Although he admits his own affection for the man, Jenkins lets readers decide for themselves what they think of this stubborn, courageous, long-winded, sanctimonious, and usually dead right -- even prophetic -- dynamo.

   Along the way there are delightful, balanced, spot-on portraits of some of Gladstone's contemporaries. The often-deified Disraeli comes out as a man of great talent, imagination, and political genius who was a self-absorbed, underhanded lightweight. (A portrayal such as that some modern critics have applied to Bill Clinton.) The slow intellectual and emotional curdling of Queen Victoria after the death of Prince Albert is as eloquent a meditation on the corruptions of isolation and power as I've read in some time. Spencer, Parnell, Hartington, Rosebery, Balfour, Joseph Chamberlain, Manning, Wilberforce, Palmerston -- all are here drawn with flavor and economy and no trace of bitterness or partisanship.

   One of the great strengths of this biography is that it never talks down to the reader. Jenkins is clearly an almost frighteningly literate individual, and his vocabulary occasionally sent me to the dictionary, but I consulted it in delight as every rare word was clearly used unselfconsciously by an author who knew it well and knew exactly what he was trying to say. (As Simon Winchester has noted, there are very few true synonyms in English.) More challenging in this regard may be the fact that the book, having been written for a British audience, assumes an elementary knowledge of the outlines of British history, which many American readers don't have. Just as a book about a prominent American nineteenth-century figure would not feel it necessary to produce extensive background on, say, the industrial revolution, the transcontinental railroad, or abolition, so Gladstone assumes the reader's familiarity with the Indian Raj, the expansion of the franchise, Britain's own industrial progress, and other subjects. My advice is to just jump right in anyway -- I myself was not well versed in these topics yet found the narrative so strong that the author's insights were easy to follow.




2. William Ewart Gladstone (1809-1898), 4 times Prime Minister of Great Britain during the height of Britain's influence and imperial power, was an extraordinary leader and individual who repays close study. His life, like that of Queen Victoria herself, spanned most of the 19th century. He was perhaps the most eminent of the British Victorians. One can compare him only to Darwin in the extent to which he influenced the culture and lives of his countrymen during that century. He was fourth son of Sir John Gladstone, a wealthy merchant in Liverpool who attained his riches at least partially via his holdings in the slave-worked Carribean cotton and sugar plantations. Like many of the sons of the rich in England during the early Victorian period, William was educated at Eton and Christ College, Oxford. It was at Oxford apparently where the future prime Minister awoke to his three greatest passions: religion, politics and Homer.
   
   Gladstone's intellectual struggles with those three passions are very ably summarized in a coupl eof recent books on the man: Babbington's book on Gladstone's intellectual development and the biography here under review by Jenkins. It speaks well of Gladstone that he took seriously the question of how religion and politics, or church and state ought to be related both culturally and institutionally/legally. Gladstone really did grapple mightily with the issue and his labors did produce fruit it seems to me. In some ways Gladstone was the ideal man to pursue the question of Church and State. He was an able politician and administrator in a country where Church and State issues had been life or death matters for centuries. He was also a deeply religious man who read voraciously in theology and spirituality and who all his life engaged in regular prayer and ministry. On the other hand, though he was a very successful politician he was not a profound political thinker. He did not have the same deep grounding in either theology or in political philosophy that many of his contemporaries had. He knew enough, however, to know that he did not know and thus he very wisely sought counsel from the experts. Although he was an almost fanatical High Anglican churchman, he eagerly sought counsel from three Roman Catholics: the German theologian Dollinger, the convert John Henry Newman and the political historian Lord Acton. Three of these men, Gladstone, Acton and Dollinger, were lifelong friends who corresponded and met regularly over several decades. Newman corresponded with the 3 but was limited in his travel and meetings during to his clerical life and duties. Gladstone, Acton and Dollinger, nevertheless, held Newman in highest regard, though Gladstone always regretted Newman's conversion to Roman Catholicism.
   Gladstone's position on Church-state relations evolved along with his political views over the many years he spent in public life. When he graduated from Oxford in 1832, his father convinced the Duke of Newcastle to sponsor his son for the Newark constituency and thus Gladstone entered politics in a fateful year for Britain and for Gladstone. In that year the great Reform Act of 1832 had been passed which substantially increased the franchise. Gladstone would be at the center of further increases in the franchise throughout the 19th century.
   
   Gladstone distinguished himself with fine oratorical skills in his maiden speeches in parliament. He was very conservative and opposed the extension of the franchise and loosening up the tight Church-state relationship. He very quickly developed the view that the strength of a polity depended on the strength and respect given to the Church. His deep religious sense also allowed him to sometimes place the interests of the state in service to the interests of the Church. This makes sense if you view the interests of the population as the same as or coterminous with the interests of religion. If the people need religion in order to flourish then the job of the State is to protect and nurture religious institutions and power. To do so would be to increase the power of the people.
   
   He parliamentary speeches got him noticed by Peel, the prime Minister, who appointed him to a post in the Treasury. He quickly evidenced unusual administrative ability and the following year he was promoted to under-secretary for the colonies. Before he could distinguish himself in this new post he lost office when Peel resigned in 1835. He reasonably quickly returned to the government, however, when the Whigs were forced out of power in 1841. He now began to display extraordinary political and administrative skills. In 1844 he put together the Railway Bill that obliged railway companies to transport third-class travelers for fares that did not exceed a penny a mile. This bill reduced the unpopularity of his party among ordinary Britons.
   
   In1847 Gladstone was elected the conservative member of parliament (MP) for Oxford University. This is a significant fact as Oxford at that time was a bastion of High Church, conservative thought which held that the State ought to support, financially, legally and in general promote an established religion, namely the High Church form of Anglicanism. Gladstone believed that Anglicanism had discovered the right form of state-church relations with the two entities roughly co-equal influence in the larger culture and each competent in its own domain. The state could not and should not undertake any actions that would undermine the influence of the Church and vice versa. Gladstone opposed Roman Catholicism insofar as it yielded where religious questions were concerned to a power outside of the local nationality. He also opposed low church and protestant manifestations of religion in England as disordered in their relations to the state: either they were hostile to the state and too subservient to state powers (e.g. the Puritans under Cromwell). All his life Gladstone was quite critical, even fanatically so, of the Roman Catholic Papacy-this despite his intense and life-long friendships with devout Roman Catholics. His own sister had converted to Roman Catholicism. Yet he saw the papacy as illiberal and operating to instill superstious subservience in the life of the faithful. When the First Vatican Council created the dogma of papal infallibility Gladstone only felt confirmed in his estimate of the backwardness of the Papacy. He never learned to see that the Papacy represented a cultural force that could be appealed to over and beyond the state. It represented a check on state power... but Gladstone never understood that. Indeed, it is now generally believed by many competent historians that democracy emerged first in the West precisely because the Papacy always constituted an extra-local, extra-national, spiritual, legal and institutional authority that could trump the local sovereign in several important cultural and economic domains that affected the lives of ordinary people nominally under the jurisdiction of the local Sovereign. Such was not the case in the Eastern Orthodox tradition where Church (in the form of the Metropolitan and Patriarchate) was subordinated to the Emperor and Czar. Thus it is not Christianity per se that yields liberty and democracy but the Latin rite which does so.
   
   When Lord Palmerston, the leader of the Whigs, became Prime Minister in1859, he made Gladstone the post of Chancellor of the Exchequer. Again Gladstone proved an extraordinarily able Administrator: He abolished the paper duty which enabled publishers to produce cheap newspapers. He, bucked the tide in his own party and supported another reform Bill which would have enfranchised large sections of the working class (but this was defeated). His support for reform cost him his seat as representative from Oxford University. He now moved away from the conservative party. Lord Russell, the new Prime Minister, asked Gladstone to become leader of the House of Commons as well as Chancellor of the Exchequer. Gladstone again introduced a reform bill and again was defeated and Russell's administration resigned.
   
   Lord Derby, leader of the conservatives now became Prime Minister with the unscrupulous Benjamin Disraeli acting as leader of the House of Commons. To steal the thunder from Gladstone and the liberals, Disraeli proposed (in 1867) a new Reform (enfranchisement) Act. Unlike Disraeli himself who had earlier blocked Gladstone's efforts on the same measure, Gladstone took a principaled stand, pointed out that he had practically written the bill himself (Disraeli being too stupid to undertake the task), supported the bill and the measure was passed.
   
   The new reform act gave the vote to every male adult householder living in a borough constituency, approximately1,500,000 new voters. Who would get the new voters? Interestingly, the new voters were not decieved by Disraeli's machinations. In the general election of December 1868, the conservatives were defeated and Gladstone, leader of the liberal party, became Prime Minister. Now Gladstone acted with astonishing energy. He wrote and passed the education act (1870) and quickly moved to consolidate his party's base by passing the Ballot Act (1872). This made voting anonymous. Until then voters had to mount a platform and announce their choice of candidate to the officer who then recorded it in the poll book. Employers and local landlords therefore knew how people voted and could punish them if they did not support their preferred candidate.
   
   In the 1874 general election, however, the conservatives squeaked out a bare majority and Disraeli now became Prime Minister. Gladstone led the opposition. At this point he began his lifelong habit of intense scholarly and religious research when out of office. Amazingly enough in less than two years he wrote and published (all while leading the opposition in Parliament!) his book An Inquiry into the Time and Place of Homer in History (1876). It is difficult to describe the work as it contained some very big ideas (Greek culture as part of the Christian revelation-not merely foreshadowing the revelation) and some extraordinary minutiae only scholars could find interesting (e.g. an enumeration of styles, descriptions and functions of doorways in Homer...such info later helped helped anthropologists excavating ruins of Mycanae and Troy).
   
   On a side note: While Disraeli gained the favor of Queen Victoria, Gladstone incurred her wrath. This it turns out was due to the fact that Gladstone was constantly trying to get her to play a role in the religious and political affairs of state (while Disraeli preferred a more tame royalty)-yet she would not budge from the Palaces after the death of Prince Albert. Disraeli's inactivity on the domestic front and bungling of foreign crises led to the dissolution of Parliament in 1880, and the general election resulted in a overwhelming Liberal victory and Gladstone's return to the Prime Minister-ship. Once again he acted energetically, introducing two new measures concerning parliamentary reform. The corrupt practices act reigned in some of the buying and selling of candidates and offices that proliferated under the Disraeli regime. The 1884 reform act gave the counties the same franchise as the boroughs and added about six million to the total number of new voters. Not surprisingly Gladstone and the liberals won the 1886 general election.
   
   He now began another unpopular crusade: Gladstone now attempted to convince Parliament to accept Irish Home Rule. At this time the master Irish politician Parnell was using brilliant parliamentary tactics to bring the issue before Parliament. When Gladstone finally introduced a home rule bill the proposal split his own party and Parliament rejected the measure. He nevertheless tried again but this time Parnell became embroiled in a personal scandal (He had a mistress whom he apparently passionately loved and later married). Without Parnell's leadership in the House of Commons the bill suffered and again went down to defeat. Gladstone was defeated in the polls in the 1886 elections but was once again returned to office for the final time in 1892. He tried once more. The following year the Irish home rule bill was defeated in the house of lords. William Gladstone resigned from office in March 1894 and died at Hawarden on 19th May, 1898.



3. This book on one of Britian's greatest prime ministers, especially of the 19th century proves to be very boring. I guess that is blunt enough. This is a political biography written by a politican turned historian. The narrow focus of this biography ensure that we know everything about Gladstone's political life and almost nothing outside of it. Subject matters that does not involved Gladstone, the author did not touch. We do not know what kind of Britain Gladstone presided over, what her foreign policies or even her domestic policies if Gladstone wasn't involved. How did Britain's imperialism, her many wars and its cost affected Gladstone? In all these 640 odds pages, we hardly know what kind of man Gladstone was outside of his political arena. His personal relationship with his family, friends, allies and enemies remains vague, superificial and smokey. What we get after reading this biography is a highly detail narrative of Gladstone's political accomplishments, failures, relationships and "what if" political scenarios. I guess if a politican writes about another politican, this is the type of biography you might get, an one dimensional look.
   
   I didn't find the book very well written. It almost look like the author was overdosing on his thesaurus to impressed his English composition teacher. I found the Amazon.com review regarding that element to be very accurate.
   
   Thus, I was bit surprised to read all these nice accolodes printed in the book. I wondered if any of these people actually read the book which can put almost anyone to sleep unless of course, if you are a politican.
   
   I find it hard to recommend this book to anyone. Its definitely not for casual reading unless 19th century British parlimentary history is what you are looking for.



4. William Gladstone is probably the most recognized name in British life and politics during the period known as the Victorian era. His public life ran nearly concurrently with Queen Victoria's reign, usually not to his comfort or benefit, but his influence in government and public life was both an embodiment of the Victorian Age and at times a check upon its excesses.
   
   I spent a fair amount of time wondering if the United States had ever produced someone even remotely similar to Gladstone, and I have still come up empty. Gladstone entered Parliament in 1833 and gave his last address in 1894. Despite youthful political indiscretions, an early tendency toward controversial outspokenness in matters theological, religious eccentricities, a tendency toward micromanagement, a temperamental sovereign, and a mixed record as four-time prime minister, Gladstone navigated sixty-some years of public service in a fashion that earned him the universal title Grand Old Man. The Gladstone portrayed by Jenkins becomes a character greater than the sum of his parts, certainly at least as responsible for the Pax Victoria as Victoria herself, whose vanities of empire were stoked, unwisely as it proved, by Gladstone's lifelong rival, Disraeli.
   
   The young Gladstone fancied himself a theologian, and as a young MP produced a lengthy and polemical defense of the Anglican Church that fortuitously came to be forgotten in succeeding years. He never lost interest in theology, however, nor in the health of the established Anglican Church. The conversion of his friends Newman and Manning to Roman Catholicism troubled him, but the experience perhaps ameliorated a residual dogmatism to the point where he could converse with such as Charles Darwin in the latter's home. Religion would always be a major drive in Gladstone's life, but one of his religious practices has drawn particular interest over the years.
   
   Gladstone, during the first half of his life, believed he was called to rescue prostitutes from a life of sin. Jenkins is careful here to walk a thin line in his assessment of Gladstone's "ministry." He [Jenkins] concludes that while Gladstone probably did believe his work was religious, he did find erotic stimulation in visiting such women in their places of residence, but apparently without technical marital infidelity. Gladstone himself would admit later that he succeeded in converting perhaps one of the ninety or so women he frequented; his diary indicates that such activity caused him enough moral discomfort that he engaged in frequent self-flagellation.
   
   Fortunately for Gladstone, it was his legislative, oratorical, and administrative competence that shaped his public image. Somewhat like Churchill, he served in a number of government capacities, but clearly he was best suited as Chancellor of the Exchequer. American government does not have an equivalent officer who in effect draws up the nation's budget and establishes spending and taxing priorities for Parliament to vote up or down. Gladstone was a Conservative of a curious sort by today's standards: he eschewed deficit spending but did not shrink from raising taxes for what Henry Clay would have called "internal improvements." His policies over the years were generally good for the economy, and as Prime Minister for four separate tenures he enjoyed popularity among the laboring classes. In his later years Gladstone took to campaigning for elections and causes, attracting large and generally friendly crowds. This was an innovation in British politics, and Victoria thought it pedestrian.
   
   Four times during his career Gladstone was summoned by the Queen to form new governments. Relations between the two were never warm, particularly after the death of Prince Albert. Gladstone, unlike many in government, became more liberal in old age. He was never entirely at peace with jingoistic rhetoric of empire [which Disraeli, according to Jenkins, spoon-fed the Queen to saturation], and his major political crucible was a morally equitable settlement of the Irish dilemma, a dream which regrettably escaped him and crippled his governments. Victoria, with a near neurotic fear of anarchy, found Gladstone's popularity unsettling and his politics too radical.
   
   Gladstone, on the other hand, took advantage of the rapidly expanding railroad systems to observe first hand economic and political developments both in England and on the Continent. In some ways he shared Victoria's concern over nineteenth century upheavals and threats to legitimate and long established structures of authority, but his political instincts guided him toward moderate governance and a steady improvement in the standard of living. One may argue that Gladstone was also voted out of office four times, which is true; in his defense, his "social agenda" on such matters as Ireland and suffrage, modest as it was, ran against the tide of a reactionary monarch and the still well entrenched aristocracy of the House of Lords.
   
   Gladstone's foreign policy was generally benign, a case of his being lucky and good. He was a Confederate sympathizer during the Civil War, but he did not object to American damage claims involving the Confederate warship Alabama, outfitted in England. His one major adventure was an incursion into Egypt in 1882 to stem nationalist unrest. Gladstone, then old and distracted, was not enthused by the cause but won pundits when the uprising was quelled with minimal loss of life.
   
   Gladstone died in 1898 at the age of 89. Queen Victoria outlived him by about three years. Although a devotee of long walks, chopping trees, and frigid swimming outings, Gladstone's life was marred with illnesses and perhaps a tendency toward hypochondria. Certainly his very location in history is remarkable--a living bridge between Napoleon and Winston Churchill. Jenkins makes the most of this tenure in a very satisfying way for the reader. I would note here that an excellent sequel to this work is A.N. Wilson's "After the Victorians."



5. I bought this 600+ page tome because I wanted to learn more about 19th century English history. I knew virtually nothing about Gladstone, and I was convinced by the cover that claims this to be "[an] enthralling biography ... utterly absorbing" [an exact quote] according to "The Atlantic Monthly."
   
   But as noted by other reviewers, this book dwells only on minutiae without (before I gave up at around page 60) providing any memorable insights into anything. It is possible that I can't "get it" because I'm an American without a grounding in the basics of English politics and English history -- exactly who are the Whigs, who are the Tories, Palmerston, that sort of thing -- but I think this book's problems are deeper than that.
   
   For instance, we learn on page 57 that Gladstone's sister-in-law married "George Lyttelton, of Hagley Hall, who had succeeded as the fourth Lord Lyttelton of the second creation in 1837" and that his later achievements included "honorary degrees from both Oxford and Cambridge" and becoming "the first principal of Queen's College, Birmingham." But a few pages later, where we find Gladstone giving an important speech in the Commons concerning his opposition to the Opium Wars, we are told absolutely nothing about the Opium Wars, etc.
   
   I know quite a bit about American history, but when reading a biography of Andrew Jackson, I doubt I would be very interested in learning about the comings and goings of the second cousins of members of his administration.

5 comments about A Lady, First: My Life in the Kennedy White House and the American Embassies of Paris and Rome.

1. Tish Baldridge has led an interesting and amazing life. She wasn't blessed with great wealth or beauty yet she managed to live and work on the upper echelons of American political and social society in the 50's, 60's, 70's, 80's, and onward.
   Baldridge takes you through her beginnings in the midwest, her education at Miss Porter's and Vassar as one of the less financially advantaged students, her life in Paris and Rome working for such trend setters as Clare Booth Luce, her days at Tiffany, her years in the White House with Jackie Kennedy, and her life after.

   Here's what is great about this book and her story: her life didn't begin and it didn't end with her association with Jackie Kennedy. Camelot fans will get great glimpses into those years from her vantage point. But there is a lot more to this book...

   I would highly recommend this book to women who love biographies on the Jackie Kennedy, Grace Kelly, Audrey Hepburn set. I also would recommend this book to women who enjoy the story of a self-made woman and a survivor and anyone interested in the social history of this era. I would not recommend this book to most men and I would caution all readers to note that this is a book filled with details of food, flowers, gowns, and jewels and not policy making or congressional bills. You learn about the parties that Jackie Kennedy went to in the year of the Cuban Missile Crisis not about the policy nuances behind the crisis.

   I gave this book as a present to several female friends and they loved it.




2. Oh! how I wish I had a life like Tish Baldridge's! She is a gutsy and classy lady and I admire her for that. I loved to read that book because it goes to show that dreams come true when we put the energy and efforts for them to materialize.



3. 
   
   The product arrived in excellent condition, within the specified time period, and I am very happy with it.
   
   Thanks



4. I had this on my shelf for several years before finally reading it--and now I regret waiting so long! This is a captivating story told by someone uniquely placed in several high-level positions: aid to David & Evangeline Bruce in France; aid to Clare Booth Luce and Henry Luce in Italy; and chief of staff to Jackie Kennedy. In addition to this, Ms. Baldrige was the first woman executive at Tiffany's, and held a high level position at the Merchandise Mart in Chicago. But what really endears her to the reader is Ms. Baldrige's way of telling hilarious stories on herself--the things that go askew during a dinner party, for example. She took her work very seriously, but is modest enough to tell stories on herself that can make one dissolve in laughter. I came away from this book with a higher appreciation of all that she has done. She is very likeable!



5. I've always enjoyed Ms. Baldridge's books, and this was no exception. I was expecting, knowing nothing about it beforehand, that it would be yet more nostalgia about the Kennedy White House. Thankfully, it wasn't. That period of her life occupied part of the book, but not even the major part. Actually, I enjoyed most the part about her time working for Tiffany & Co. It's great bedside reading.

No comments about Obama: The Historic Journey.

5 comments about I Little Slave.

1. Khamkeo had editorial help from a few individuals in the writing of his book. The text is not awkward like the title. Khamkeo is able and fluent in English. His story both unique and representative maintains an engaging literary quality over the roughly 400 pages. Returning from France to his homeland of Laos after the Vietnam War was over with the intention of helping his country return to normalcy, the author was arrested and put into a prison camp in 1981 after an argument with an official of the communist Pathet Lao government. He was kept in prison until 1988. The lengthy memoir is about this whole time from the early 1970s to the late 1980s, with about half given to each period. The second half of Khamkeo's time in prison is naturally more gripping, and at times harrowing. But the first half has its own significant themes and drama as well--namely, the totalitarian, capricious, demanding rule of the Pathet Lao. Whereas the second part deals with how the author survived the hardships and threats of his years in prison, the first part deals with the more subtle, yet nonetheless engaging, informative, and at times suspenseful story of how he and others had to accommodate the rigid rule of the Pathet Lao while they were at the same time trying to bring improvements to a Laos which like the other nations of Southeast Asia, was disrupted and changed by the Vietnam War. "I Little Slave" brings to light these uncertain and hostile conditions in Laos following the Vietnam War; which have not received as much attention as those in Vietnam and Cambodia. After being released from prison, Khamkeo managed to flee Laos; and today lives in Oregon and works for a state health agency.



2. This book is an absolute must read for anyone interested in human rights. The author's personal story of survival is set against a strong, concise modern history of Laos and southeast Asia.
   
   You will find that this is one of the most unbelievable stories of survival ever told. Of the few who did survive the 're-education' camps in northern Laos, only one, Bounsang Khamkeo, wrote the story to bring it to the world. The book is a de facto historic document that cannot be overlooked.



3. This is a gripping story of survival in the worst of political prisons comparable to the Soviet gulag and the Nazi concentration camps. This remarkable book reminds us of the human capacity for cruelty, how ideology can justify atrocity and how absolute power corrupts. The state did not want or expect these prisoners to ever leave alive. This is the only English account of life in the Pathet Lao political prison system and is a crucial document about both Laos under communism and more generally about political systems and man's potential for cruelty. It is also a good read. The ingenuity of the prisoners that allowed them to survive torture, harassment, a starvation rice diet and no medical care was fascinating. It was also heartening to hear that the assistance his wife received from American friends during the time he was imprisoned and she did not know where he was led them to immigrate to the US.



4. This is an amazing story and I concur with the previous reviews. There is also a philosophy of suffering and human nature that is presented which the reader will realize as he reads the accounts of the pain and suffering and the authors reaction to them. This is a must read and I'm looking forward to another book about human rights that this author may consdier writing.



5. I read this book during a recent trip to Lao. It's well written and interesting throughout. It posed some interesting challenges for me, as I think the author may have put career or naviety first in deciding to stay as the Pathet Lao's intentions became increasingly clear. Thank heavens his wife is more declarative at the time of a second choice. Regardless, It's a slice in time of great import in Lao history not written by others in English and a worthy read. The Lao regime today certaintly doesn't have the controlling presence that I saw in Burma, so an interesting question would be how much repression exists today beyond what is seen by the visitor to Lao.
   Paul

5 comments about The Kennedy White House : Family Life and Pictures, 1961-1963.

1. While the pictures are, for the most part, fantastic, the author does tend to make outlandish claims about some of them...The ONLY picture of JFK holding one of his kids, or the ONLY picture of him with Dr. Max Jacobson. Simply not the case! A little more care with details like that would have been nice!

   And PS RED Fay did not serve aboard PT 100, as is claimed in the book.




2. What a classy book that one is! The White House as it was at the time of the Kennedys... and looking at some of those never seen before pictures, we can relive the elegance, charm and grace of that unique period. Two thumbs up Mr. Sferrazza!!



3. This book is primarily worth it for the mnay great photos of JFK and Jackie, especially of the White House rooms themselves. That said, the text is pretty good, as well. Two items of interest--that isn't J. Edgar Hoover behind Jackie on the front cover but lookalike Secret Service agent Stewart G. "Stu" Stout, Jr. Also, I like the picture of Marilyn Monroe with Secret Service agent Floyd M. Boring (wearing glasses) in front of her on the steps!
   [...]



4. This book was a wonder to read and the pictures in it were amazing. Defentitly recomment it!



5. Sferazza-Anthony has put together a book on the Kennedy White House that is like none of the other million Kennedy books out there. It includes many never-before-seen photographs such as the Wexford interiors (surprisingly ugly and unstylish!) an interior shot at Glen Ora, etc. The details of day-to-day life in the Kennedy White House can only be matched by JB West's "Upstairs at the White House" (out of print). A must-have for Kennedy buffs and admirers.

5 comments about Andrew Wyeth: Autobiography.

1. My teacher introduced me to Andrew Wyeth's paintings and drawings about a year or two ago. I've been in love with his work ever since. It's just how beautiful his linework is and how he brings life to the paintings. That is so incredibly rare. There are plenty of portrait artists out there, but I can't think of one that impresses me as much as he does. I think this is because of how well he knew his subjects.
   
   He said drawing with pencil helped him get to the core of a thing. If you've ever drawn or painted people and animals from life, as he did, it increases the appreciation for his work one hundred fold. I also think that this is why his paintings and sketches are so full of life - you just don't get that from a photo, there is NO comparison. His landscapes blow me away every time, and I'm not really a fan of landscape paintings. Something about the solitude of it all just takes me in.
   
   My favourite is Night Sleeper, which is on the cover. His palette is just beautiful, i don't really think it's muted or drab - the closer you look, the more colours you see. How he played colours in juxtaposition, so that they glow, is another part that gives his work such intensity and life.
   
   The comments beside all the work are, as people have mentioned, very good. The entire book is one of those slow joy books. It's just nice to sit with it and turn the pages slowly and take in every thing.



2. I didn't know a lot about Andrew Wyeths work before reading this book. I had seen the paintings and I liked them a lot, but I didn't know that much about them.
   
   The book is labeled as an autobiography, but its form is not what many might expect. This is not a book consisting of prose with the occasional picture, it is a book that mainly shows Wyeths paintings with a paragraph or two about the paintings below. Written by Wyeth. For some this may not be what they are looking for, but I liked this very much.
   
   It is a very good introduction to Wyeth's paintings and the subject matter he painted. The people, the places and their history. There isn't a lot of information about Wyeth himself in the book. At least not in the sense one would expect from a traditional biopgraphy. But after reading it I feel I know a lot more about both Wyeth and his paintings than a typical art-history or biographical text would give me.
   
   I'd be happy to recommend this book.



3. I purchased this item as a gift for an artist friend, she was very happy with the quality of the reproductions in this book.



4. This isn't a linear autobiography, in the usual sense. Instead, it presents selections from Wyeth's entire life as a painter, from his mid-teens to his late seventies, when this book was published. Wyeth's own notes on each piece make it an autobiography.
   
   This says less about the artist than about his artwork, which speaks for itself. His subdued palette captures the people and places of his life. Places include farms, barn or farmhouse interiors, Maine shorelines, and other open spaces that are increasingly hard to find. Wyeth's people include his wife Betsy, his sister, and neighbors. Grittier than Norman Rickwell but no less affetionate, he presents them at work, at hard-earned rest, or simply at a quiet moment. A few nudes of teenaged Siri, including the remarkable "The Virgin," capture the gawky grace of emerging womanhood. Two images really stood out for me, though, images I would never have associated with Wyeth. "Spring" and "Christmas morning" carry a surreal sense, somehow even closer the the supernatural for their entirely realistic rendering. "Spring," especially, offers an amiguous sense of hope using the starkest and bleakest of visual language.
   
   As Wyeth narrates each painting, a sentence to a paragraph for each, parts of his life emerge: friendships, successes, and losses. Without being mysterious, the text comes across as spotty and selective, omitting far more than it presents. If you want a standard kind of biography, you'll have to look elsewhere. Instead, this book is closer to the occasional cup of coffee with the artist, shared over weeks or months, in which different moments of his life arise almost at random. His words add an intimacy to the art that's hard to express, but that is worth experiencing - as is the art itself.
   
   -- wiredweird



5. I discovered this book at my sister's home after I bought a print while visiting. The comments accompanying each print in the book provide an intimate look at Wyeth's life and art. It added a new dimension to my fondness for his work. I'd highly recommend this book to any admirer of Andrew Wyeth.

2 comments about Khrushchev: A Political Life.

1. This book is required for numerous college courses and is an excellent resource on the Khrushchev years in the Soviet Union, including extensive references to numerous primary sources. However, I am unsure as to the legitimacy of the author. The copy of this book carried by the Colorado State University library lacks a dust jacket. Who is he? Is he a kook? Does he distill vodka in his basement? I just don't know.



2. There really isn't an exagerration in the book's title. This is a political biography pure and simple. There is little personnel information on Khrushchev or on his family life. Krushchev, as the author paints him, was a more complicated man than the shoe pounding and Cuban Missile crisis botching buffoon he's remembered as in the West.

   As an aside, in my time living in Russia I found that Khrushchev is held in somewhat high regard by Russians today [who would back the authors portrait of him as a reformist]. His time as Chairman of the party resulted in relative openness after the oppression of the Stalinist era. Under his direction there was more focus on consumer goods, on housing, a release of political prisoners and more freedom in the arts.

   As a result of his iniciatives many of the apartments in Moscow, St Petersburg and other Russian cities date back to this era. It was he who gave the famous anti-Stalin "secret" [but deliberately leaked] speech to the XXth party congress. [It's ironic that while within the Soviet Union a freer climate was allowed to continue for a time within those countries in the Soviet sphere no anti-communist activities were allowed.]

   The book functions well as an informative look at the rise of Khruschev through the ranks of the communist party [CPSU]. The purges of the late '30s were his fasttrack to the upper ranks of the CPSU as he took over the positions of the relieved [and usually arrested] former officials.

   An fact-filled look at Khrushchev's political life, it promises no more than a political biography and on this it delivers. Those looking for personnel information and a gossipy narrative should look elsewhere. Those looking for political biography and insight to the rise of Nikita should be satisfied.

5 comments about Thomas Paine: Enlightenment, Revolution, and the Birth of Modern Nations.

1. "Thomas Paine" by Craig Nelson is a thoughtful yet entertaining biography of the Revolutionary War hero Thomas Paine. Positioning Paine within the intellectual vanguard of the Age of Enlightenment, Mr. Nelson demonstrates the crucial role that Paine played in inspiring the colonists' radical struggle for independence. This carefully researched and accessible work succeeds in reintroducing readers to a remarkable man who dedicated his life to human progress through politics.
   
   Mr. Nelson bookends the narrative with the strange tale of Paine's bones which were first recovered by William Cobbett and then sold and resold many times over. This particular narrative serves as a metaphor underscoring the changing opinions that posterity has attributed to Paine; indeed, we learn that Cobbett was virulently opposed to Paine's democratic principles during Paine's lifetime only to later became an ardent admirer after Paine's death. No doubt Cobbett was not unusual for his varying reactions to a message that helped set in motion a series of profound socio-political changes throughout the transatlantic world.
   
   Mr. Nelson's solid scholarship and vivid prose helps us imagine Paine passionately debating the great issues of the day with his fellow revolutionaries. Paine appears as one of the boldest and most visionary of his peers, publicly calling for an end to slavery, supporting women's rights and envisioning a welfare state at a time when most others were silent on these issues. Of course, it was Paine's remarkable talent in transcribing Enlightenment ideals into fiery populist rhetoric that made him indispensible, helping to win broad support for a cause that faced significant challenges and memorably rallying the soldiers at a particularly dark moment in the war.
   
   But Mr. Nelson takes Paine's story well beyond this familiar terrain to England and France, where Paine continued to risk all for the principles he held dear. Mr. Nelson makes clear that Paine was immersed in the kind of political turmoil and intrigue that makes today's world seem rather tame by comparison, including a narrow escape from England after authoring the seditious 'Age of Reason' and a remarkable stint in the French legislature where his principled stand for human dignity and democracy ended with a brutal imprisonment. Through it all, Paine became the 18th Century's most widely read author, pointing the way forward for the great mass of people through the Age of Revolution into today's democratic world that, in many ways, has yet to fulfill Paine's utopian vision.
   
   Tragically, Paine's unyielding defense of reason earned the enmity of small-minded religious demagogues who propagandized against the defenseless Paine in posterity. Fortunately, Mr. Nelson's book joins several other more recent works that correct this unjust historic distortion, helping to restore Paine to his proper place among the Founding Fathers as one of their most uncompromising and important leaders.



2. This was a very enjoyable book on a fascinating and under explored subject. At least it was fascinating once it got past what I felt to be a fairly slow start. For a while I was wondering if I had made a poor selection as the book seemed to focus little on Paine and more generally on the times and the other characters of the day. I was suspecting the author might have been padding due to some lack of research material.
   
   In good time my fears were allayed and the book began to carry forth under its own steam and from then on out as the pace was set the story became captivating and enriching to read.
   
   Thomas Paine of course plays at minimum a cameo role in any history of the nation's founding or in any biography of its founders. I love to read of the lives of our founding fathers and have read multiple biographies on most of them. I am ashamed to say that I waited this long to read a book fully dedicated to this most indispensable of founders.
   
   The author succeeds in portraying Thomas Paine in all of his human character - enlightened, passionate, abrasive, loyal and vain. I didn't get the sense, as often happens, that the subject was placed upon a pedestal by his historian without blemish, rather by simply cataloguing the life of this amazing and faulty character the reader has but little choice to hoist him upon that pedestal under the test of virtue.
   
   I recommend this book to anyone who, like me realizes there is a hole in the story where Thomas Paine is concerned, and seeks to fill said hole with knowledge of his life.



3. I loved it. It is a well written and very detailed book about one of our founding fathers. Very easy to read and I finished it pretty quickly despite its in depth and thorough account of his life. It was unbiased in reporting both the good and the bad. I highly recommend it.



4. I had the good fortune to catch an interview of Craig Nelson on CSpan on one of the booknotes shows. The story he told of Thomas Paine was fascinating so I decided to buy the book and I am glad I did. He is the unsung hero of the American Revolution, the French Revolution and of democracy and Republics today. Few men have done more and gotten so little credit for it. How many of us know he was the one that communicated to THE WORLD the ideals of freedom and democracy to the point that his books, at a time when far fewer people where literate, sold millions of copies. They were read by everyone and read to the masses. Written in a level of language that sparked ideas and ideals in most who read or heard them. He kept Washington supplied with money by not taking any compensation or royalties for the books. He was welcome in the homes and parlors of most of the major players in the American revolution (expect John Adams' home.)
   
   He was a hero in France and had the distinct honor to be asked to represent a district of France in the new revolutionary government. Imagine that, an Englishman turned American, representing a French state, even though he did not speak or write French??? The power of ideas and ideals. He was feted in many a French aristocrats house and was companion to many intellectuals of the time.
   
   Yet today, few of us know anything about him because he made powerful enemies who proceeded to try to strike his memory from existance. Few people who were heros got such bad press. He died in America, yet his bones ended up being spread around the world.
   
   What a story! Read this book to appreciate the power of Common Sense, The Age of Reason and the Age of Enlightenment. Appreciate a true American Hero, if not a world hero.



5. Thomas Paine (1737-1099) was an English born son of a poor staymaker in Thetford. Paine was largely self-educated and well read in the classics. He saw duty in the British navy and practiced the profession of staymaker, farmer, printer and newspaper reporter. He was a Deist who was raised by a Quaker father. Paine was upwardly mobile loving his life in London where he came to associate with the likes of James Boswell, Dr. Johnson, Josephy Priestly and the intellectual elite of England's capital city.
   Paine emigrated to America in 1776 where he became the protege of Benjamin Franklin. In early 1776 Paine published "Common Sense" the pamphlet which launched his fame in the New World and throughout the British Empire and World. Paine called for patriotism and support of America becoming good friends with General George Washington, Thomas Jefferson and James Madison. Washington read "Common Sense" to his troops the night before the Trenton battle. Paine's works were bestsellers and he became a household name. Paine's later works in the series "The American Crisis" also inspired our nation in its David vs. Goliath struggle to win freedom from Great Britain.
   Following the war, Paine lived for a time in England where he was condemned to die on the gallows by the Pitt administration for his works calling for greater freedoms for Englishman. Paine fled to Revolutionary France.
   In France he became a member of the National Assembly which during the reign of terror had him taken prisoner. Paine almost lost his life on the guillotine and was imprisoned for ten months in the Luxembourg prison. Due to the efforts of the American ambassador James Monroe he was freed
   from captivity.
   Paine returned to America where his liberal Republican Deism led to countless controversies. He died in 1809 a disillusioned patriot.
   Paine said that "Tyranny like hell is not easily conquered" and countless other phrases which will live forever in America's lexicon of freedom. He was the first writer to refer to our nation as "The United States of America." We are all his heirs of freedom, justice and liberty for all.
   Nelson writes in a somewhat dry and academic style. Much of the books deals with the beliefs of the Enlightment and does not spend as much time on the actual biography of Paine as this reviewer would have liked to see.
   The book does allow us to remember Paine and all he achieved. It is a book worthy of your money and time. Despite his many flaws, Thomas Paine is one of our outstanding founding fathers.

3 comments about In His Own Words.

1. This is a compilation of Nelson Mandela's speeches divided into twelve categories that run a diverse classification. The topics run the gamut of historical: "Struggle" "Freedom", "Reconciliation", "Nation Building" and "Development"; social: "Education", "Culture", "Religion", "Health" and "Children"; Cross sectional: "Heroes" and "Peace". The collection provides a one source to obtain the works of a key twentieth century person, but like any of these IN HIS OWN WORDS is repetitive and at times boring. Unless needed for a school assignment, this biographical oratory is best savored over several weeks as Mr. Mandela through his words show why he remains an inspirational influential individual whose speeches provide a deep insight into the man, the legend, and an era of transition.
   
   Harriet Klausner



2. Rebeccasreads highly recommends IN HIS OWN WORDS for those who have ever wondered how this man moved generations of people to agitate for civil rights. Settle down with this big, big book & relive the ideas that inspired us, & get a rare glimpse of the heroes from another time & another place.
   
   Because these are public speeches, there will be repetition - relax & let the words flow over you. & while most of us won't notice it, what we read from the book in no way indicates the timbre, cadence & nuances of the spoken word, so it would have been a wonderful completion had a DVD sound recording of one or two of Nelson Mandela's speeches been included.
   
   The extraordinary power of IN HIS OWN WORDS is in, once again, hearing legend's way of expressing himself, who, along with Mahatma Gandhi & Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., is one of the most articulate, courageous, & respected men of our time. The list of people who contributed their impressions is extraordinary, & illustrates how deeply Nelson Mandela changed our lives & our world.



3. IN HIS OWN WORDS is perfect reading for history buffs. There are 545 pages of speeches, addresses and statements of Nelson Mandela. When you read this collection of words by Mr. Mandela, you come away with a better understanding of this man who has dedicated his life to his belief of freedom and equality.
   
   Nelson Mandela is a prolific writer as well as a gifted speaker. There are twelve chapters in IN HIS OWN WORDS. Because of its length, I suggest that you read this book by first reading the topics that most interest you. I started with Education, Health and Culture and was moved by Nelson Mandela's compassion and his tenacity to remain focused in his one man crusade for democracy for all people. As someone who enjoys reading about history, I read the remaining chapters over several weeks and found them to be fascinating. Very much worth reading.
   
   Vannie(~.~)
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